scholarly journals NEUČINKOVITOST VOJSKE KOT POKAZATELJ NEUSTREZNOSTI CIVILNEGA NADZORA (2)

Author(s):  
BRANIMIR FURLAN

Prispevek je nadaljevanje analize o vzročno-posledični povezavi med civilnim nadzorom in učinkovitostjo vojske. V prvem delu je bil predstavljen teoretično- metodološki okvir analize, v tem delu pa avtor predstavlja rezultate raziskave o stanju civilno-vojaških odnosov v Republiki Sloveniji ter vplivih civilnega nadzora na učinkovitost Slovenske vojske. Raziskava je pokazala, da se v Sloveniji uveljavlja praksa civilnega nadzora nad oboroženimi silami po vzoru drugih demokratičnih držav, vendar problematika prve generacije civilno-vojaških odnosov še ni končana. Uveljavljanje nadzora v praksi zagotavlja podrejenost vojske civilnim oblastem, pri čemer mehanizmi nadzora ne krepijo sposobnosti Slovenske vojske, da učinkovito izpolni svoje poslanstvo. Posledično lahko povzročijo nezadovoljstvo vojske ali izgubo kredibilnosti v javnosti. This article is a continuation of the analysis of cause-effect relations between civilian control and military effectiveness. The first part presented the theoretical and methodological framework, while in the second part, the author presents the results of the study of civil-military relations in the Republic of Slovenia, focusing on the impact of civilian control on the effectiveness of the Slovenian Armed Forces. The study showed that the practice of civilian control over the armed forces in Slovenia follows the example of those in other democratic states. However, the issue of the first-generation civil-military relations has not yet been completed. The enforcement of civilian control in practice provides for a complete subordination of the military to civilian authorities; however, it does not contribute to the ability of the military to effectively execute its missions. Rather, civilian control can cause military dissatisfaction and reluctance, as well as loss of credibility with the society.

1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Zaverucha

The state of civil–military relations in the world, especially in the Third World, is very well summed up by Mosca's statement that civilian control over the military ‘is a most fortunate exception in human history’.All over the globe, the armed forces have frequently preserved their autonomous power vis-à-vis civilians. They have also succeeded in maintaining their tutelage over some of the political regimes that have arisen from the process of transition from military to democratic governments, as in Argentina and Brazil. Spain is a remarkable exception. Today, Spain, despite its authoritarian legacy, is a democratic country. The constituted civil hierarchy has been institutionalised, military áutonomy weakened, and civilian control over the military has emerged. Spain's newly founded democracy now appears quite similar to the older European democracies.


Author(s):  
Risa Brooks

The concluding chapter synthesizes insights from the individual chapters, identifying six overarching lessons: civilian control of the US military is complex and understudied; norms are essential for healthy civil-military relations; the relationship between society and the military is less than healthy; partisanship is corroding civil-military relations; public scrutiny of the military is essential to military effectiveness; and the fundamental character of civil-military relations is changing. In turn, it proposes several questions for future research, suggesting that more could be known about public accountability of military activity; the nature and measurement of military politicization; and changing actors and roles in civil-military relations.


Author(s):  
Sarah Sewall

This chapter argues that the changing character of conflict demands rethinking U S civil-military relations. The United States has long relied on a nuclear deterrent and conventional military superiority to defend itself, but its adversaries have changed the rules of the game to exploit civilian vulnerabilities in the U S homeland using non kinetic tools. To ensure continued civilian control of the military use of force and effective management of competition below the threshold of war, civilian leaders must assume greater responsibility for the political and operational management of hostilities in the Gray Zone. Because civilian leaders are underprepared for this new global competition, they will be tempted to default to conventional military solutions. Traditional civil-military frameworks did not envision permanent conflict or the centrality of civilian terrain, capabilities, and operational responsibilities. The United States needs civilian-led tools and approaches to effectively avoid the dual extremes of national immobilization in the face of non kinetic threats and inadvertent escalation of conflict without civilian authorization or intent. Civilian adaptation could also diminish the traditional role of the armed forces in defending the nation. The United States must rewire the relationship of the military and civilians through its decisions about how to manage Gray Zone competition.


2019 ◽  
pp. 0095327X1987721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julián González Guyer ◽  
Nicole Jenne

Peacekeeping has widely been seen as conducive to submit the military to democratic rule. We put the assumption to an empirical test based on the case of Uruguay, today a fully democratic state that has consistently ranked among the world’s top peacekeeping contributors per capita. Specifically, we ask whether participation in peacekeeping has increased civilian control over the military. To answer this question, we focus on three aspects of democratic civil–military relations: civilian oversight, civilian policy management, and armed forces–society relations. We conclude that peacekeeping has done little to trigger greater involvement of civilians in the area of military and defense policy but that it contributed to reduce the gap between the armed forces and society. Nevertheless, due to political neglect by civilian authorities, the state of civil–military relations is one of subordinate military autonomy short of ideal, even if it does not represent a threat to democratic rule.


Author(s):  
Anit Mukherjee

Civilian control over the military is widely hailed as among the biggest successes of India’s democracy. This is a rarity, especially among postcolonial states, and is rightfully celebrated. But has this come at a cost? The Absent Dialogue argues that the pattern of civil–military relations in India has hampered its military effectiveness. Indian politicians and bureaucrats have long been content with the formal and ritualistic exercise of civilian control, while the military continues to operate in institutional silos, with little substantive engagement between the two. In making this claim, the book closely examines the variables most associated with military effectiveness—weapons procurement, jointness (the ability of separate military services to operate together), officer education, promotion policies, and defense planning. India’s pattern of civil–military relations—best characterized as an absent dialogue—adversely affects each of these processes. Theoretically, the book adopts the “unequal dialogue” framework proposed by Eliot Cohen but also argues that, under some conditions, patterns of civil–military relations may more closely resemble an “absent dialogue.” Informed by more than a hundred and fifty interviews and recently available archival material, the book represents a deep dive into understanding the power and the limitations of the Indian military. It sheds new light on India’s military history and is essential reading for understanding contemporary civil–military relations and recurring problems therein. While the book focuses on India, it also highlights the importance of civilian expertise and institutional design in enhancing civilian control and military effectiveness in other democracies.


Author(s):  
Matej Navrátil ◽  
Michal Onderco

The civil-military relations in Slovakia have been marked by rapid transformation after the collapse of communism, including the expansion of the civilian power over armed forces, a gradual shift that has meant a great loss of autonomy for the armed forces. The dominance of civilians over the military happened through various means. First and foremost, there was a massive legal and legislative shift in the institutional distribution of power. However, the power of civilians over the military has been cemented through the adoption of a business-like structure, a change in military education, as well as “the power of the purse.” Overall, Slovakia’s case is not unique among the countries of the former communist bloc, where the desire to integrate into NATO and the EU has led to significant changes in the way the domestic societies are organized. However, Slovakia’s case is interesting because it demonstrates that the establishment of civilian dominance over the military can potentially lead to absurd consequences such as the inability to pay petty expenses. Notably, the desire to integrate in NATO led Slovakia to adopt numerous external recommendations with far-reaching consequences for domestic legislation. In a process that is not unlike what the scholars of European integration call “Europeanization,” Slovakia’s case shows that the goal to demonstrate one’s readiness to join international organizations can lead to a complete transformation in the nation’s defense policy. Conversely, and perhaps more speculatively, if one were to perceive civilian control over the military as the total subordination of all its components to the elected representatives, the situation is much less straightforward in the case of military intelligence. Under Vladimír Mečiar (in 1994–1998), the state secret (civilian) and security apparatus served not the public interest, but the interest of the ruling coalition. Military intelligence, however, remained autonomous and was not exploited to serve to Mečiar. Although from the normative standpoint, this might be perceived as a positive development, it demonstrates that this component of the military was at that time out of the government’s reach, even the reach of an authoritative ruler such as Mečiar.


2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (04) ◽  
pp. 143-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas C. Bruneau

Abstract This article argues that civil-military relations should be conceptualized not only in terms of democratic civilian control but also for effectiveness in implementing a spectrum of roles and missions. It also argues that achieving effectiveness requires institutional development as a necessary but not sufficient condition. Currently in Latin America, the focus in civil-military relations remains exclusively on civilian control. While there is a growing awareness of the need for analysis beyond asserting control over the armed forces, so far nobody has proposed or adopted a broader analytical framework. This article proposes such a framework, and employs it to analyze differences among four major South American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Colombia. The explanation for the differences identified by use of the framework is found in the incentives of civilian elites in Chile and Colombia, who have recognized serious threats to national security and defense.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 130
Author(s):  
Mhd. Alfahjri Sukri

Abstract: This paper aims to compare civil-military relations in Indonesia during Abdurrahman Wahid's (1999-2001) period with Turkey during Erdogan's (2003-2011) by looking at civilian control over the military. The study looks at the differences and similarities between the two countries and the causes of Erdogan's success and Abdurrahman Wahid's failure to control the military. In this research, the author used a qualitative approach. The results showed that there were similarities and differences in civil-military relations between Gus Dur and Erdogan, as seen from civil control over the military. The similarities could bee seen at the beginning of their reign. Abdurrahman and Erdogan had strong civilian control over the military so that they could reduce the military's role in politics with various policies issued. This strong control is also supported by political conditions, political elites, and society. However, there were differences in civil-military relations at the end of the Gus Dur and Erdogan governments. Civilian control over the military weakened at the end of the Gus Dur’s reign which caused him to fall from his position as the President of the Republic of Indonesia, whereas Erdogan’s civilian control over the military was getting stronger. The failure factor for Abdurrahman to strengthen civilian control over the military was a radical change. In contrast to Erdogan who made changes gradually with the support of politics and society.Keywords: Turkey; Indonesia; Abdurrahman Wahid; Erdogan; Civil-Military Relations


The on-line version of the Dictionary of Standard Slovenian from 2000 defines the Slovenian equivalent of the term »risk« (tveganje) as the gerund of the verb “to risk” (tvegati). According to our secular understanding, the word is synonymous with the term “hazard” (nevarnost), which is in the same dictionary defined as the possibility of an accident, damage or something negative, generally unpleasant. In the title of this issue, we refer to the risks or hazards that are of non-military origin and at the same time new. A detailed description of the sources of threat, risk and hazard is given in the Resolution on National Security Strategy of the Republic of Slovenia adopted in 2010. According to Chapter 4 of the Resolution, the sources of threat and risk to the national security of the Republic of Slovenia, with regard to their origin, occur at the global, transnational and national levels. The global sources of threat and risk to national security include climate change, global financial, economic and social risks, as well as crisis areas. Transnational sources of threat and risk to national security include terrorism and illicit activities in the areas of conventional weapons, weapons of mass destruction and nuclear technology, organised crime, illegal migrations, cyber threats and misuse on information technologies and systems as well as activities of foreign intelligence services. Finally, national sources of threat and risk to national security include threats to public safety, natural and other disasters, the scarcity of natural resources and the degradation of the living environment, medical and epidemiological threats and other specific factors of uncertainty (which according to the resolution include poverty, negative demographic trends, vulnerability of critical infrastructure etc.) This much about the sources of threat and risk to national security. But can we actually claim that these are new threats? Not really. Some of them are more recent, but not entirely new, again some other forms have appeared before in the near and distant past and might appear again in a more modern form very soon. Or they might not. Nevertheless, this does not mean that the authors of this issue have not prepared interesting aspects of possible risks or hazards. See for yourself. In the previous issue, Branimir Furlan, promised to provide the continuation of his article. In the second part of his article with the same title Ineffectiveness of the military as an indicator of inappropriate civilian control he thus says that the first part had presented the theoretical and methodological framework, while the second part presents the results of the study of civil-military relations in the Republic of Slovenia, focusing on the impact of civilian control on the effectiveness of the Slovenian Armed Forces. So, what are the results and how effective is the military according to the author? Is the methodology of determining the leadership potential finally the way to excellent military leaders? is the title of the article by Dejan Okovič. He claims that after adopting the Methodology of Determining the Leadership Potential, the Slovenian Armed Forces will have all the necessary tools to introduce military leadership. He states that the social power provides leaders with the ability to lead their team members, while the latter are one of the prerequisites for the existence of leadership. In the article, the readers will find out what tools the author refers to, how to determine the leadership potential, and what leadership actually is. The Arctic is subjected to climate changes, which are revealing its energy, political and economic potential, and are turning it into the new "Orient", says Sandra Martinič in her article titled Energy race for the arctic. The author explains what the Arctic actually is – land or sea, what are its energy potentials, who is interested in them and how they could be reached. The regulation of the access to energy resources by international law will most probably lead to even greater militarization of the area, since the security of resources and the environment will gain importance. Foundering of the Austro-Hungarian flagship Viribus Unitis through Italian military archive files is the title of the article by Matjaž Bizjak. With the help of archival documents, the author takes the reader back to 1918. To be precise, on 1 November 1918, two Italian commandos used an original method to founder the Austro-Hungarian flagship in Pula. Their idea was really something special and its implementation is exceptional. Just before the explosion, they were very surprised at the actual situation, but with the timer ticking, the time for improvisation was running out. Anton Kanduti wrote an article titled Pilot project: military clubs in the Slovenian Armed Forces and a way ahead. He says that there are two military clubs in the Slovenian Armed Forces, namely one in the “Kadetnica” facility in Maribor and one in “Jernej Molan” barracks at Cerklje ob Krki. How do they operate, what are the legal bases for their operation, their purposes, and the aims they achieve? The article presents all of the above and the results of a survey among Slovenian Armed Forces members.


Author(s):  
Thomas Bruneau

The literature encompassed within the area of civil-military relations (CMR) is extremely broad. The focus in this bibliography is primarily on CMR as a subfield of comparative politics in that it deals with the power relations between the military and civilians. This bibliography is concerned with the classic question, raised in the 1st century ce by Juvenal: Who will guard the guardians? From this perspective, CMR is generally about power and politics of an organization with a monopoly in arms to exercise political power. While foreign states and international organizations may influence CMR, particularly during democratic transitions, it is essentially a national phenomenon. International law does, however, pertain in most of the roles and missions the military are tasked with. Not included in this bibliography are the following topics: military history, strategy and doctrine, sociology of the armed forces including recruitment, gender, race, and health. Thus, important authors such as Morris Janowitz and Charles Moskos will not be included. This bibliography will break new ground in four ways: First, in giving attention to military effectiveness as well as the traditional focus on civilian control; second, in giving attention to roles and missions currently executed by the military; third, in including non-democracies, democracies, and those in transition; and fourth, in including the roles of private contractors in the mix of civil-military relations. The six primary sections in this bibliography are the following: Democratic Civilian Control is mainly about the United States and its emphasis is on the military taking political power, even though the American military has never sought to take power. CMR in Contemporary Non-Democratic Regimes focuses on China, Russia, and Egypt as they are all globally important non-democratic regimes, with varied relationships between the military and civilians. CMR in Democratic Transitions is included as the military is a key actor in virtually every transition from the beginning of Third Wave of democratization, starting in Lisbon, Portugal, on April 25, 1974. CMR in the Context of Roles and Missions is included as it details that the military mainly implements roles and missions not involving conflict with other militaries, and includes the role of international law. The section on CMR Including Democratic Civilian Control and Military Effectiveness is included as attention must be paid to effectiveness in the different roles and missions for military organizations. And, finally military roles and missions assumed by Non-Military For-Profit Private Enterprises are included as involvement of private enterprise raises questions regarding the state’s putative monopoly of power and roles of the military.


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