scholarly journals ‘Mirrored in God’: Gramsci, Religion and Dalit Women Subalterns in South India

Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 666
Author(s):  
Karin Kapadia

The Tamil Dalit Pentecostal conversion movement that has been active in Chennai’s slums and low-income settlements for the last four decades is also a political movement. It is, moreover, a women’s political movement. Normally both Dalits and women are ignored in India, they are considered people of no importance and irrelevant to the issues that grab the headlines. But it is important for us to recognize both the political nature and the importance of this Dalit women’s conversion movement, because we are at a time of great peril in India, where, as elsewhere, populist nationalism has swept an authoritarian leader to power and the fascist tendencies of an overbearing state are becoming increasingly obvious. In such a context Gramsci’s theorizations provide important suggestions for how to understand religio-cultural movements as political movements and how to evaluate both their importance and what they can teach us about the possibilities for religio-cultural-political resistance to authoritarian populism, and the crucial importance of low-income, low-status women in political processes of grassroots resistance.

2017 ◽  
pp. 226-291
Author(s):  
O.V. Liubimova

On the basis of The Deeds of Divine Augustus or Res Gestae Divi Augusti (RGDA), the author analyses the significance of the legacy of populares, one of the main political movements in the Late Republic, in the politics of Emperor Augustus. The main features of this political movement, in the opinion of modern researchers, were their demagogic political style, their assertion of the sovereignty of Roman people and their protection of economic interests of the lower classes. In the RGDA there is no mention of the odious political methods of the populares that entailed conflicts and unrest but the text significantly dwells on the tribunician power granted to Augustus. In the Late Republic the tribunician power served as the basis of the populares political method. The ideology reflected in the RGDA entrusts the Roman people with an important role in the public administration and describes the Roman people as a fullfledged partner of the Senate, however it lacks the populares contraposition of the Roman people to the Senate (or to the oligarchy controlling the Senate). The populares legacy is particularly apparent in the RGDA chapters describing Augustus expenses in favor of the Roman people such as the organisation of various social measures, shows and public building. Augustus inherited from the populares of the Late Republic the idea of Roman plebs as a source of political power and of satisfaction of its interest as a mechanism of maintaining political stability, but discarded those of populares slogans and methods that had a conflict potential.На материале Деяний Божественного Августа (Res Gestae Divi Augusti) рассматривается вопрос о том, какое место занимало в политике Августа наследие популяров одного из двух основных политических течений Поздней республики. В качестве характерных черт этого движения исследователи выделяют демагогический политический стиль приверженность идеологии народного суверенитета защиту экономических интересов неимущих слоёв. В RGDA не упоминаются одиозные политические методы популяров, которые влекли за собой конфликты и беспорядки, но важное место занимает предоставленная Августу трибунская власть, которая в Республике служила основой популярского Modus Operandi. Идеология, выраженная в RGDA, отводит римскому народу важное место в управлении государством и представляет его равноправным партнёром сената однако в ней отсутствует характерное для популяров противопоставление народа сенату (или олигархии, контролирующей сенат). Наиболее очевидно наследие популяров в тех главах RGDA, где описываются расходы Августа в пользу римского народа: социальные мероприятия, организация зрелищ и строительство. Август заимствовал у позднереспубликанских популяров представление о том, что римский плебс может служить источником политической силы, и удовлетворение его интересов необходимо для поддержания политической стабильности, однако исключил из своего арсенала те политические лозунги и методы популяров, которые имели конфликтный потенциал.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Erman

The research aimed to reveal the history of the Raya Magazine and writing on political movements promoted by Islamic College students in Minangkabau. The research findings succeeded in revealing that Raya Magazine was present in the midst of strengthening colonial political pressure and the weakening of the national movement in the 1930s. The political movement was one of the themes of the national movement which was of special note and attention to the Islamic College Students Association. This theme was encountered in several articles during publication, mainly related to the weakening of non-cooperative parties in carrying out movements. The social situation that helped shape the theme of the political movement was the impact caused by the application of vergaderverbood in 1933 and arrested a number of non-cooperative parties leaders, especially Partindo, PNI Baru, and Permi.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Vetrivel Chezian Sengodan ◽  
◽  
Pavalan Louis ◽  
Nanda Kumar T ◽  
Sharan Achar T ◽  
...  

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Ilyya Muhsin ◽  
Nikmah Rochmawati ◽  
Muhammad Chairul Huda

<p>The Student Islamic proselytizing Organization (LDK) became a machine of cadre forming and expansion for Islamic political movements, <em>Ikhwanul Muslimim</em> (Muslim Brotherhood) and <em>Hizbut Tahrir </em>to achieve their ideological ambitions. These movements were believed to have harmful threat for Islamic moderate in Indonesia. Therefore, the adherents of Islamic moderate at IAIN were trying to take over LDK IAIN Salatiga from <em>Ikhwanul Muslimin</em>. This study aimed to describe and analyze revolutionary movement and its development in shaping moderate LDK networking. This study used descriptive qualitative method. The data were taken from the study of literature, interview and field observation. Research findings showed that taking over LDK IAIN Salatiga by moderate group was started with shaping LDK <em>Nusantara</em> as a means to form cadres. Having been successful in taking over LDK IAIN Salatiga, it then went out from the networking of LDK <em>Ikhwanul Muslimin</em> and planned to establish moderate LDK networking among universities which was called FKKDKN (Communication Forum for-in Campus Islamic proselytizing a whole Archipelago/<em>Nusantara</em>). This article is expected to inspire moderate movements on campuses believed to be machine to form cadres of Islamic political movement and radicalism.</p>


1970 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 178-201
Author(s):  
Suresh Dhakal ◽  
Sanjeev Pokharel

The people of Nepal have witnessed a number of political shifts within a comparatively short period of the country's history. The political revolution of 1950, which precedes all important political movements, eliminated the century-long Rana oligarchy and established the multiparty system. In 1960, late King Mahendra abolished the newly established multi-party system and implemented his own model of governance called the Panchayat system. The Panchayat system was designed to allow the King to rule the country according to his will, and the system alienated ordinary people from political processes. This system, too, came to an end after the popular movement of 1990 (widely known as jana andolan) which re-established the multi-party system in the country. DOI: 10.3126/opsa.v11i0.3036 Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology Vol.11 2009 178-201


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 725-742 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Fernandes ◽  
K. Srinivasan ◽  
G. Menezes ◽  
P. G. Ramchandani

AbstractThis article extends the research focusing on the early origins of psychopathology into the prenatal period, by exploring the association between maternal prenatal depression and offspring (fetal and infant) neurobehavior. The sample is recruited from a rural population in South India where women in the third trimester of pregnancy were assessed for depression and the heart rate responses of their fetuses to extrinsically applied vibroacoustic stimuli were studied. At 2 months postbirth, infant temperament and cortisol responsivity to immunization were assessed. The association between maternal prenatal depression and fetal responsivity to vibroacoustic stimulation, and infant responsivity to immunization, was U shaped with higher levels of responsivity noted in the offspring of mothers with very high and very low depression scores, and lower levels noted in the offspring of mothers with moderate depression scores. Maternal prenatal depression was not associated with infant temperament. The findings highlight the importance of environmental influences in the developmental origins of neurobehavior, suggesting that such differences, not evident at baseline, may emerge upon exposure to stressors. The study also emphasizes the need for further investigation in low- and middle-income contexts by providing preliminary evidence of the differing patterns of association observed between high- and low-income populations.


2001 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Penny Johnson ◽  
Eileen Kuttab

The authors ground their reflections on gender and the complex realities of the second Palestinian intifada against Israeli occupation in the political processes unleashed by the signing of the Israeli–Palestinian rule, noting that the profound inequalities between Israel and Palestine during the interim period produced inequalities among Palestinians. The apartheid logic of the Oslo period – made explicit in Israel's policies of separation, seige and confinement of the Palestinian population during the intifada and before it – is shown to shape the forms, sites and levels of resistance which are highly restricted by gender and age. In addition, the authors argue that the Palestinian Authority and leadership have solved the contradictions and crisis of Palestinian nationalism in this period through a form of rule that the authors term ‘authoritarian populism’, that tends to disallow democractic politics and participation. The seeming absence of women and civil society from the highly unequal and violent confrontations is contrasted with the first Palestinian intifada (1987–91), that occurred in a context of more than a decade of democratic activism and the growth of mass-based organizations, including the Palestinian women's movement. The authors explore three linked crises in gender roles emerging from the conditions of the second intifada: a crisis in masculinity, a crisis in paternity and a crisis in maternity.


Author(s):  
Roman KOSTYSHYN

The main directions of Volodymyr Kokhan's public and political activities in the 1920-1960s are analyzed through the prism of socio-political processes in the region. Attention is focused on the features of the formation of his worldview. V. Kokhan's expressive national and patriotic consciousness was based on family values and was laid down by educational and public institutions of Halychyna, which carried out active awareness-raising work among the Ukrainian people of the region. The politician's contribution to the activity of the Ukrainian Military Organization (UMO) is considered, his circle of like-minded people is singled out, among them - the future leaders of the national-state parties and national-cultural organizations of Halychyna. While in the UMO during the national liberation struggle, the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918–1919, he made considerable efforts to protect the national, cultural, and socio-political rights of Ukrainians in Halychyna. In the mid-1920s, as a member of the Ukrainian Party of National Labor (UPNR), he was one of the active supporters of the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDA). The well-known politician's organizational and political work is characterized; specific examples show the struggle of one of the Ukrainian national democracy leaders for raising the national consciousness of the Ukrainians of Halychyna. Through V. Kokhan's political biography's prism, the complex intertwining of political, social, and national aspects of the Ukrainian socio-political movement in the period is shown. The parliamentary work of V. Kokhan in the highest legislative body of Poland is outlined. Since 1928, party activity became secondary for one of the leaders of the National Democrats, comparing to parliamentary work. Emphasis is placed on organizational achievements in the National Unity Front (NUF), in exile in Canada, as one of the leaders of the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (UCC). Keywords: Volodymyr Kokhan, socio-political activities, Western Ukraine, emigration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-68
Author(s):  
Dani Habibi

         This article aims to reveal the hermeneutical meaning behind the flags Liwa and Rayah. The two flags by Hizbu Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) are seen as the flag of the Prophet. However, this view was denied by other Islamic groups because the flags of Liwa and Rayah were the flags used by Taqiyyudin An-Nabhani when declaring the government of Khilfah Islamiyah. Flags Liwa and Rayah black and white, which Black called Rayah and white called Liwa'. The two flags read Laa illaaha illaa Allah Muhammad Rasul Allah. In making interpretations, the author uses Paul Ricoeur's hermeneutical theory. The interpretation debate is heating up when Hizbu Tahrir wants to replace the Pancasila ideology into the ideology of the Caliphate. The difference in interpretation, point of view and context of hadith is the main problem why researchers want to reinterpret. The hermeneutic approach according to researchers is appropriate if it is used for the method of interpreting hadith texts and religious symbols. This research includes qualitative research. Qualitative research is a type of library research that collects data from books, books, and journals. The results of this study are symbols in the HTI flag that have ideological and political movements. In this study, the flag symbol turned out to be a symbol of identity which led to the Islamic political movement. the movements and practices carried out by HTI are nothing but the change of the democratic system and the ideology of the Pancasila into the ideology of the Islamic Shari'a with the Khilafah Islamiyah system Abstrak           Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap makna hermeneutis di balik bendera Liwa dan Rayah. Kedua bendera tersebut oleh Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia dipandang sebagai bendera rasulullah. Namun pandangan tersebut dibantah oleh kelompok Islam lainya karena bendera liwa dan rayah adalah bendera yang digunakan oleh Taqiyyudin An-Nabhani ketika mendeklarasikan sistem pemerintahan Khilfah Islamiyah. Bendera liwa dan rayah berwarna  hitam dan putih, yang Hitam dinamakan Rayah dan putih dinamakan Liwa’.  Kedua bendera tersebut bertulisan Laa illaaha illaa Allah Muhammad Rasul Allah. Dalam melakukan interpretasi, penulis menggunakan teori hermeneutika Paul Ricoeur.. Perbedaan penafsiran, sudut pandang dan konteks hadis menjadi masalah utama kenapa peneliti ingin menafsirkan kembali. Pendekatan hermeneutika menurut peneliti sesuai jika digunakan untuk metode menafsirakan teks hadis dan simbol-simbol keagamaan. Penelitian ini termasuk penelitian kualitatif. Penelitian kualitatif  jenis penelitian pustaka yang mengumpulkan data-data dari kitab, buku, dan jurnal. Adapun hasil dari penelitian ini adalah simbol dalam bendera HTI mempunyai makna ideologi dan gerakan politik. Dalam penelitian ini, simbol bendera tersebut ternyata sebagai lambang  identitas yang berujung pada gerakan politik Islam. gerakan dan praktek yang dilakukan oleh HTI tidak lain adalah mengangganti sistem demokrasi dan ideologi Pancasila menjadi ideologi syari’at Islam dengan sistem pemerintahan Khilafah Islamiyah


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