scholarly journals RAKYAT MEMPERKUAT KENDALINYA TERHADAP NEGARA

2017 ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
Merphin Panjaitan
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
New Order ◽  
State Behavior ◽  
Regional Autonomy ◽  
Balance Principle ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Common

AbstractThe people’s goal to established the a state is to get better life, justice, secure and welfare.But in the New Order, injustice was almost happened in all fields of lives, which was thenfall into an economic crisis leaving broad poverty, unemployment, backward education andcorruption. Those New Order’s diseases are still continue up till now, although reformationhas been continued for more than 10 years. In reality the state’s power is not always used toserve its people. Thus, people has to tightened its control toward state, since when onceloose its control, state’s power will be misused only for the interest of the ruler and at thesame time forget the people who actually is the owner of the state. The state is owned bypeople for the common good and that kind of state is named democratic state that its processof execution must be under people’s control. For that purpose it needed a kind of politicalinteraction between state-society which is peaceful, secure, fairness and having trust to eachother. That interaction needs appropriate condition, among other things are limited statepower, power division based on check and balance principle, general election, effectivepolitical participation, regional autonomy and reformation of the behavior of society andstate.Keywords: State power, People’s control, Democratic state,Behavior reform of state and society

The Church, Democracy and Responsible Citizenship

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 60-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clint Le Bruyns
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The People ◽  
The Common ◽  
Church State Relations ◽  
State Relations

Abstract The quality of our democratic life is intimately bound up with the quality of our church-state relations. The aim of this article is to direct attention to the contribution that churches and other faith communities can possibly offer towards the nurturing of a responsible citizenship in political life together. It recognizes and applauds the role of the state itself in advancing the common good, but resists the tendency among many who confine this role to the state alone. Church-state relations are typically discussed simply with reference to church and state, with a blind spot for the people comprising our political community. Responsible citizenship affirms the meaningful and constructive role which ordinary people in their personal and professional capacities can fulfill towards the common good. It consequently discusses the notions of hope, power and grace as some of the concrete ways through which a more participatory democracy or active citizenship might be envisaged, embodied and practiced by the people as part and parcel of their political responsibility together. Each of these aspects bear implications for the contribution churches can provide in public life as they nurture as well as exercise this sense of responsible citizenship.

Speaking for Islam

2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-127
Author(s):  
Abdoulaye Sounaye
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Religion And State ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
French Model

Unexpectedly, one of the marking features of democratization in Niger has been the rise of a variety of Islamic discourses. They focus on the separation between religion and the state and, more precisely, the way it is manifested through the French model of laïcité, which democratization has adopted in Niger. For many Muslim actors, laïcité amounts to a marginalization of Islamic values and a negation of Islam. This article present three voices: the Collaborators, the Moderates, and the Despisers. Each represents a trend that seeks to influence the state’s political and ideological makeup. Although the ulama in general remain critical vis-à-vis the state’s political and institutional transformation, not all of them reject the principle of the separation between religion and state. The Collaborators suggest cooperation between the religious authority and the political one, the Moderates insist on the necessity for governance to accommodate the people’s will and visions, and the Despisers reject the underpinning liberalism that voids religious authority and demand a total re-Islamization. I argue that what is at stake here is less the separation between state and religion than the modality of this separation and its impact on religious authority. The targets, tones, and justifications of the discourses I explore are evidence of the limitations of a democratization project grounded in laïcité. Thus in place of a secular democratization, they propose a conservative democracy based on Islam and its demands for the realization of the common good.

The Challenge of Mass Democracy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The State ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
The People ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Mass Democracy

Chapter 1 analyzes Schmitt’s assessment of democratic movements in Weimar and the gravity of their effects on the state and constitution. It emphasizes that the focus of Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar was mass democracy rather than liberalism. Schmitt warned that the combination of mass democracy, the interpenetration of state and society, and the emergence of total movements opposed to liberal democracy, namely the Nazis and the Communists, were destabilizing the Weimar state and constitution. Weimar, Schmitt argued, had been designed according to nineteenth century principles of legitimacy and understandings of the people. Under the pressure of mass democracy, the state was buckling and cannibalizing itself and its constitution. Despite this, Schmitt argued, Weimar jurists’ theoretical commitments left them largely unable to recognize the scope of what was occurring. Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar democracy was intended to raise awareness of how parliamentary democracy could be turned against the state and constitution.

Beyond stateless democracy

2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
William J. Novak ◽  
Stephen W. Sawyer ◽  
James T. Sparrow
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
John Locke ◽  
The State ◽  
Direct Response ◽  
Classical Liberal ◽  
Liberal Conception ◽  
Neutral Site ◽  
The Common ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

Pierre Bourdieu began his posthumously published lectures “On the State” by highlighting the three dominant traditions that have framed most thinking about the state in Western social science and modern social theory. On the one hand, he highlighted what he termed the “initial definition” of the state as a “neutral site” designed to regulate conflict and “serve the common good.” Bourdieu traced this essentially classical liberal conception of the state back to the pioneering political treatises of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke.1 In direct response to this “optimistic functionalism,” Bourdieu noted the rise of a critical and more “pessimistic” alternative—something of a diametric opposite.

Społeczne i kulturowe determinanty funkcjonowania państwa u progu XXI wieku

1970 ◽  
Vol 21 (282) ◽  
pp. 3-18
Author(s):  
Michał Strzelecki
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Macro Scale ◽  
The Common ◽  
Civic Awareness ◽  
Political Scene

The contemporary state crisis is a derivative of complex economic and social processes. His indicators include not only the visible increase in the intensity of political conflicts (both on a micro and macro scale), the revival and development of separatist tendencies, and the weakening of the role of the state as the basic instrument of organizing collective life. It is also increasing fragmentation of the political scene, the development of particularisms, weakening and progressive dysfunctionality of existing political institutions, increasing economic rivalry and the collapse of the generally accepted axiological system, which is accompanied by increasingly clear questioning of the idea of the common good and progressing pragmatism and egoism. An important element is therefore the disappearance of civic awareness and activity. The intensification of these disturbing tendencies is certainly not supported by the modern education system, whose hallmarks are commercialization and economization, withdrawal of the state and professionalization.

scholarly journals Merebaknya Intoleransi (Hate Speech dan Hate Crime) dalam Politik Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin
Keyword(s):  
Hate Crime ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
The People ◽  
Technical Issues ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.

scholarly journals Valores jurídicos en la Regulación Penal de la Competencia Desleal en Ecuador

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (69) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Jorge Núñez Grijalva
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Law ◽  
Legal System ◽  
Common Good ◽  
The State ◽  
Unfair Competition ◽  
Real Problem ◽  
Apparent Absence ◽  
The Common Good ◽  
The Common ◽  
Legal Security

In all areas of the legal world there are higher aspirations, which represent legal values to be protected, like the justice, the common good and legal security stand out. The present work was proposed to analyze if the Ecuadorian Legislator, in its process of construction and promulgation of the criminal law regulating against the unfair competition, incorporated these three values into it. Regrettably, the results show an apparent absence of the three legal values in criminal law, leaving legal operators at a disadvantage in view of the need to control this type of crime and society, awaiting compliance. Through an exercise of legal hermeneutics, the study starts from a real problem in the Ecuadorian legal system of the criminal law against of the unfair competition, which demands to be discussed in the search for the State to take the necessary measures to solve this problem.

scholarly journals Satire in Shrestha’s Ghintang Ghishi Twank

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-81
Author(s):  
Man Kumar Rai
Keyword(s):  
Positive Change ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Common People ◽  
The People ◽  
Hands On ◽  
Special Occasion ◽  
The Common

   The objective of this article is to analyze the use of satire in three poems, from Rupesh  Shrestha’s volume of poems Ghintang Ghishi Twank in order to examine use of the suffering of voiceless people. The poems depict absurdities of the society and hypocrisy of the leaders which are the causes of poor people‟s pains. This poems exhibit how follies, vices and absurdities are hurdle in transforming society into prosperous one. The poet has berated them with the aim of bringing positive change in the society and in the lives of the common people. The poet mocks at the political changes which have brought change only in the lives of political leaders, not in the lives of the people who have been ignored by the state for long. Despite many anxieties, they enjoy dancing and playing sticks in their hands on the special occasion of Gaijatra. The poems are collection of sharp words which are used to butt the corrupt politicians. For this, the elements of Juvenalian satire have been used as tools for analysis of the selected poems. This study highlights upon the anxieties of marginalized people; demonstrates the shameful act of politicians; and exposes the absurdities prevailed in the society. It indicates that the political and social absurdities are subject to be poked in order to reform a society.

scholarly journals The State of Human Rights in Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan

2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Ahmed Sohail ◽  
Ahmed Fasih ◽  
Zubair Muhammad
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
The State ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Common People ◽  
The People ◽  
Level Of Satisfaction ◽  
The Common ◽  
Tribal Areas ◽  
Human Rights Violation

The respect of human rights in a society determines the destination of that society or state. It is the level of satisfaction of citizens of a country which convinces them to work for the growth and progress of that state or society. The people of FATA are living under a draconian law which is known as Frontier Crime Regulations (FCR). There is agrave human rights violation of the people of FATA under this law. Freedom of speech, freedom of expression etc. are hampered by the FCR and the common people live under a threat of collective punishment as well. Moreover, due to military operations against the militants in the area, millions of people from FATA have been displaced. At times, there are grave violations of human rights of the displaced persons as well. This paper will explore the state of human rights in FATA in general and evaluates its impact on the Federation of Pakistan. The paper evaluates different instances of human rights violation in various agencies of FATA and their root causes as well.

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