scholarly journals Romanian civil protection. From the perspective of nato crisis response measures

2020 ◽  
Vol 1(14)/2020 (1(14)/2020) ◽  
pp. 157-184
Author(s):  
Claudiu Bratu ◽  
Mariana Barbu

Civil protection activity is of national interest. Implementation of civil protection measures and actions represents an element to analyze and quantify the country good governance in peace time. The strategic objective of NATO Crisis Response Measures implementation in civil protection area is that of civil protection and consist in ensuring the continuity of constitutional functions by the Romanian State and increasing the national resilience in the context of civil protection situations occurrence, by protecting the population, respectively reducing social and economic effects. The responsibility of the civil protection system in the context of implementing NATO Crisis Response Measures needs to be seen and understood as a fundamental element of state functioning. The involvement of state structures in this area indicates the level of stability/instability of the national and regional security environment. The improvement of the Civil Protection national system should also be seen from the perspective of internal and international challenges. These can be addressed more effectively, with lower effects in terms of human and material costs, through a correct approach to addressing legislative gaps, eliminating relatively divergent and circumstantial approaches by the institutional form of certain strategic issues. In a complex geopolitical context for Romania, the correct approach to civil protection, which as a whole addresses the protection of the population in emergency, crisis or war situations, as well as the support to military structures involved in military actions or in fulfilling the responsibilities of the Host Nation Support, must represent a major concern for the highest political decision-makers, namely the supreme legislative body that is the Romanian Parliament.

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Henning Melber

South African Finance Ministers (notably in the plural, given the events since December 2015) face multiple challenges. They deal not only with an economy in stagnation through an austerity policy as recently presented by Pravin Gordhan in his Medium Term Budget in late  October, but also with the sobering results of the limited socio-economic transformation since the end of apartheid. The contradictions prevailing since then are reflected not least in the devastating crisis sweeping across South Africa  universities. As if that is not enough, a Finance Minister concerned about good governance is also waging an uphill battle to reduce damage by trying to protect the state and its assets from further capture by predatory elites. Considering all of this, it is not surprising that a critical analysis of what is termed economic freedom, an interpretation of the meaning and its consequences, is a fitting contribution to the Strategic Review. Joleen Steyn Kotze presents such an examination in the first article of this issue. Her reflections compare and juxtapose the different notions and ideologies of economic freedom and the effects these may have if turned into policy. This invites further debate regarding the transformation of South African society, which inherited one of the most grossly unequal societies in our world, a condition yet to be markedly reduced. Debates are also required about other aspects that are relevant for a journal focused on regional strategic issues. These include not least the notion of human security and the role of the military. Thuso Benton Mongwaketse relates directly with his contribution, to a subject raised in recent issues.1) By concluding that "security and human security in particular, is fundamentally about responsiveness, accountability, and transparency in governance", he more than indirectly links the discourse on the role of a national defence force to the socio-economic dimensions dealt with in the first article.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 227-239
Author(s):  
Radoslav IVANČÍK ◽  
Pavel NEČAS

This paper presents the ongoing research and, deals, in the framework of interdisciplinary scientific research, with various military and non-military threats and their negative impact on the security of contemporary human society. In this research, the authors point out the continuous deterioration of the global and regional security environment and the growth of symmetric and asymmetric security threats with focus on the air transport, and the resulting negative consequences for the security of the states and their citizens. In order to contribute to the development of security science, the authors examine the issues of terrorism as an asymmetric security threat, focusing in particular on terrorism and terrorist activities of the air transport and measures taken to eliminate terrorism in the airspace.


Author(s):  
Timothy Doyle ◽  
Dennis Rumley

In this chapter we argue that one of the principal inhibitors of sustainable security and stability in the Indo-Pacific region is that the Cold War has yet to end. Strategic concepts and postures reflecting containment, ‘constrainment’, sphere of influence, expansionism, and territorial competition still inhabit the rhetoric not just of the regional security environment. Regional strategies can therefore be interpreted within the framework of Cold War ‘logic’, thus impeding regional security cooperation. The ‘old’ Cold War has thus been perpetuated, reinforced, and reinterpreted as a ‘new’ Cold War due to geopolitical competition over global and regional primacy. Even within this process of geopolitical competition, old geopolitical concepts such as ‘pivot’ and ‘Indo-Pacific’ have also been reinterpreted and reused to justify new strategies that ultimately continue to foster a new Cold War in the region. Indeed, the Indo-Pacific has returned as a central element of the new Cold War.


2015 ◽  
Vol 01 (04) ◽  
pp. 573-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhexin Zhang

Facing increasing challenges to regional peace and stability, yet feeling isolated in several key security mechanisms in the Asia-Pacific, China has been taking active measures to improve its security environment and to foster a new regional security architecture based on the “New Asian Security Concept,” in order to achieve a lasting and commonly beneficial collective security order in the region. Though no official blueprint has been established by the Chinese government, one can expect China to push forward an all-inclusive and comprehensive platform as the core of the new architecture which features collective security driven by major powers based on their consulted consensus. Yet China will not seek to build a completely new Asia-Pacific security architecture to replace the old one. Instead, it is taking a pragmatic and incremental approach to shape the necessary environment for the evolution of the old architecture into a more inclusive and balanced one. If Sino-U.S. relations can be well managed and China continues to project its growing power in a refrained and contributive way to provide more public goods for regional peace and development, then it is hopeful that a new regional security architecture will take shape in the coming decades.


Author(s):  
Spyros Economides

The European Union’s involvement with and in Kosovo is of three main types. First, it participated in war diplomacy in the late 1990s in an attempt to find a peaceful solution to the Kosovo conflict between Kosovar Albanians and the Serb forces of the former Yugoslavia. This demonstrated of the Union’s limited ability to influence less powerful actors in its backyard through its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This resulted from the difficulty the EU found in attempting to forge a consensus among its member states on a significant matter of regional security with humanitarian implications, the limitations in effectiveness of the EU’s civilian instruments of foreign policy, and the low credibility and influence stemming from the lack of an EU military capability. Second, the EU took a leading role in economic reconstruction and state-building in Kosovo following the end of the conflict. Initially, this was in tandem with the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Subsequently, the EU became the lead organization, focusing its efforts not only on the physical and economic reconstruction of the territory but also on building human and administrative capacity and democratic institutions and establishing good governance and the rule of law, especially through its EULEX mission. Third, the EU attempted to help transform Kosovo beyond democratization toward EU integration through instruments such as the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP). A significant part of this process has also been linked with EU-led mediation attempts at resolving outstanding issues between Kosovo and Serbia through a process of normalization of relations without which EU accession cannot be envisaged. Throughout the post-war phases of the EU’s involvement in Kosovo, its efforts have been undermined by the most important outstanding issue, the disputed status of Kosovo. Kosovo was set on the path to increasing self-government and autonomy at the end of the conflict in 1999, but it was still legally part of sovereign Yugoslavia. In 2008, Kosovo unilaterally declared its independence. While over 100 states recognized Kosovo, it never acquired enough recognitions to be eligible for UN membership: Serbia does not recognize it and, most importantly, neither do five EU member states. This status issue has seriously complicated the EU–Kosovo relationship in all its aspects and slowed down the prospect of “Euro-Atlantic integration” for Kosovo.


2008 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Paul Kapur

The tenth anniversary of India's and Pakistan's 1998 nuclear tests enables scholars to revisit the issue of South Asian proliferation with a decade of hindsight. What lessons do the intervening years hold regarding nuclear weapons' impact on South Asian security? Some scholars claim that nuclear weapons had a beneficial effect during this period, helping to stabilize historically volatile Indo-Pakistani relations. Such optimistic analyses of proliferation's regional security impact are mistaken, however. Nuclear weapons have had two destabilizing effects on the South Asian security environment. First, nuclear weapons' ability to shield Pakistan against all-out Indian retaliation, and to attract international attention to Pakistan's dispute with India, encouraged aggressive Pakistani behavior. This, in turn, provoked forceful Indian responses, ranging from large-scale mobilization to limited war. Although the resulting Indo-Pakistani crises did not lead to nuclear or full-scale conventional conflict, such fortunate outcomes were not guaranteed and did not result primarily from nuclear deterrence. Second, these Indo-Pakistani crises led India to adopt a more aggressive conventional military posture toward Pakistan. This development could exacerbate regional security-dilemma dynamics and increase the likelihood of Indo-Pakistani conflict in years to come. Thus nuclear weapons not only destabilized South Asia in the first decade after the nuclear tests; they may damage the regional security environment well into the future.


2000 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 1311-1315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Lavallée ◽  
Luc Roy ◽  
Claude Marche

Increasing occupation of flood plains augments the number of residents affected with flashfloods. Temporary protection measures can be considered as long as the authorities are warned soon enough before the occurrence of a flood. A simple forecasting system is presented in this technical note. It is based on the coupling of one hydrological model with one hydraulic model, and on a data acquisition and result analysis module. A case study is also presented.Key words: flashfloods, civil protection, flood, warning.[Journal translation]


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
A Fakhri Arifyanto

This research aims to compile and designing Strategy Map and Balanced Scorecard on PT. DPI in order to achieve the objective of becoming an international organization or world class company.  According to David P. Norton which had been quoted by Mathews (2007), Balanced Scorecard is precise methodologies to develop measurement which is capable to describe the organization’s strategy.  Development of Strategy Map is the key to design effective Balanced Scorecard. The analysis result stated that the Strategy Map of PT. DPI could be compiled by virtue of the strategic issues in the corporate level, meanwhile for the Balanced Scorecard design consists of four perspectives in which financial perspective to improve the ROI of strategic objective by increasing revenue from existing product and new product.  Customer perspective, with the strategic objective of customer satisfaction, increased market share by retaining existing customers and add new customers.  Internal Business Process Perspective, with a strategic objective of developing superior products, innovative and sophisticated, improved customer relationship management.  Learning and Growth Perspective, with strategic objectives to improve the quality, professionalism of human resources DPI, to develop a conducive climate in DPI (improve DPI climate).    


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