scholarly journals The London Ahmadiyya Mission and the Kashmir Movement

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 01-11
Author(s):  
Naseer A. Habib

The Muslim community of the Indo-Pak Subcontinent began to show the signs of centripetal trend facing the challenge of imperialism and the Hindu domination in Colonial India. We find glimpses of an inclusive approach in the formation of the All-India Kashmir Committee in 1931. The London Ahmadiyya Mission was a Centre of Ahmadiyya Jam’at. The movement of Kashmiri Muslims for political rights emerged as a result of indigenous conditions and the All-India Kashmir Committee came into being. The London Ahmadiyya Mission contributed to the work of this Committee by highlighting its case in Great Britain. It came to defend the cause of the Kashmiri Muslims. The London Ahmadiyya Mission served the important job of fine-tuning the lobbying work.  The Congress considered it a British- backed movement (Qureshi, 1998:319). Having adopted the technique of thick description, we found the inclusive trend working behind the emergence of the All-India Kashmir Committee. 

2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 261-285
Author(s):  
Prashant Kidambi

Summary This article explores the interplay of sport, politics and public diplomacy through a case study of the first ‘Indian’ cricket tour of Great Britain in 1911, an extraordinary venture peopled by an improbable cast of characters. Led by the young Maharaja Bhupindar Singh, the newly enthroned ruler of the princely state of Patiala, the team contained in its ranks cricketers who were drawn from different Indian regions and religious communities. The article examines the politics of this intriguing cricket tour against a wider backdrop of changing Indo-British relations and makes three key points. First, it suggests that the processes of ‘imperial globalization’ that were presided over by the British in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries marked an important epoch in the evolving relationship between sport and diplomacy. In particular, it highlights the role of sporting tours as instruments of public diplomacy in the age of empire. Second, it shows how the organization of the 1911 tour reflected the workings of a trans-national ‘imperial class regime’ that had developed around cricket in colonial India from the late nineteenth century onwards. Finally, the article considers the symbolic significance that came to be attached to the tour, both in imperial Britain and in colonial India.


Author(s):  
Kausar Ali ◽  
Huang Minxing

The article examines emergence of the Tablighi Jamaat (henceforth TJ) in colonial India. It discusses the emergence of Tablighi Jamaat in light of the proselytizing (Tablighi) competition among various Islamic schools that emerged soon after the failure of the 1857 war. This article answers the question of why Maulana Ilyas founded the TJ in undivided India? This study aims to understand the emergence of the TJ in light of the deprivation and Maududian theory of Islamic revivalism. The discussion is based on qualitative analysis of the existing secondary sources in the form of books, research articles, and reports, etc. This study finds that TJ was founded because several Tablighi Jamaats belonged to different Islamic sects during British rule, responded to the challenges of the Muslim community. The Deobandi, Barailvi, Ahl-i-Hadith, and Shi’a Muslims established their proselytizing societies. This study concludes that the Deobandi Tablighi Jamaat emerged not only in response to the anti-Islamic campaigns of Hindus and Christians. The TJ was also founded in response to the preaching struggles of other Islamic schools in the British Raj. It is recommended that the TJ works to implement the Deobandi version of Islam in the world should be further studied


2020 ◽  
pp. 386-400
Author(s):  
V. Yu. Apryshchenko ◽  
N. A. Lagoshina

The expansion of Great Britain in the 18th century greatly strengthened its influence both on the European continent and throughout the world. The nearby existence of Catholic Ireland, which had developed trade and socio-political ties with European countries, threatened the national security of Great Britain and determined the religious orientation of restrictive politics. In the first half of the 18th century, political, economic and religious struggles both within Ireland and between the British and Irish led to the fact that Ireland actually turned into an English colony. There are still disputes among foreign scholars about the status of Ireland in the 18th century, since the powers of the parliament in Dublin were limited, and most of the country's population did not have civil and political rights. Nevertheless, in the 1760s, the Irish parliament implemented a number of bills in the field of social policy and local self-government, which indicates the significant independence of this legislative body. The legal status of the Irish state in the 18th century, its powers are compared with some widespread definitions of the term state are examined in the article.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juwita Kumala Anak Robin ◽  
Arnold Puyok

The theme of the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan is important to fill the gap in Labuan’s political history. The main questions which the study aimed to answer were: what political roles did the indigenous Muslim community play during the British colonial period from 1946-1963 in Labuan? What were the factors contributing to their political involvement and what were the reactions of the British? The study’s three main objectives were: to describe the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan from the period of 1946-1963, to analyse their roles in the British colonial administration, and to examine the British policy towards the involvement of the Muslim leaders in the political process. The study was mainly carried out through qualitative approach, involving archival research and in-depth interviews. Internal and external criticism methods were also applied in assessing, interpreting and analysing the primary, secondary and oral sources. All the key themes were presented in descriptive and chronological manner. The political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan can be divided into two phases: the first phase from 1946-1960 and the second phase, from 1961-1963. During the first phase, their political participation was essentially driven by their desires to safeguard their religious rights (Islam), ethnic identity and their collective ethnic interests. Throughout the second phase, the indigenous Muslim leaders were motivated by the Muslim community’s political rights and Labuan’s independence under the Malaysia proposal. The British attitudes towards the increased political awareness among the indigenous Muslim community leaders were generally accommodative. The indigenous Muslim community leaders were given opportunities to take part in the political activities. However, the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community was rather limited as Muslim leaders were incapacitated from playing greater political roles in the British colonial administration.Keywords: political participation, indigenous Muslim community, Labuan, British, Malaysia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 73-91
Author(s):  
Pippa Virdee

‘Visualizing the land of the pure’ answers the question of what was to be Pakistan’s ‘national culture’ after its creation, mentioning the slogan ‘What does Pakistan mean? No God but Allah’, which reflects the consensus among the Muslim community in late-colonial India. Two culturally diverse wings of Pakistan that were geographically separated by India came together to create a new promised land. Amidst this diversity of locals and migrants, it was religion and the concomitant desire to have a representative homeland for Indian Muslims that had brought them together. The complications and contradictions carved out a national culture from layers of ethnicities, linguistic identities, and regional affiliations.


Author(s):  
M. V. Kochetkova

The aim of the study was to examine the most significant achievement in Irish Nationalism, which was embodied in the trend of moral force, the Emancipation of Catholics and the role of D. O'Connell in this process. After the introduction of the Union between Ireland and Great Britain in 1801, after the suppression of the 1803 uprising among the Irish nationalists, the apologists of the constitutional way of achieving self-government remained only one way, granting Catholics equal political rights. Automatically, Catholics were not prohibited from being elected as deputies or holding public office. But due to the fact that when entering these positions it was required to give the Crown a double oath, secular and religious, Anglican, Catholics could not give such a second oath. Consequently, Emancipation meant the liberation of Catholics from the religious part of the oath to the Crown. All attempts to pass a law on emancipation within the framework of Westminster ended in the defeat of the initiative of the Irish commoners, it became obvious that a different method of achieving the goal was needed. It was developed by the leader of the Nationalists D. O'Connell. The essence of the new system of struggle was to create a massive, regulated movement of the entire Nation for the political rights of Catholics. It included holding rallies, setting up a press of its own, and the introduction of a Catholic Rent designed to fund the movement from donations. Thus, for the first time in European history, a massive, nationwide, controlled movement was created. As a result of these innovations, Westminster passed the Catholic Emancipation Act in 1829. O'Connell's role in this victory was decisive.


1976 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen A. Sinel

AbstractNo other European bureaucracy in the nineteenth century faced so formidable a challenge as did the Russian. Russia's territorial expanse, the backwardness and diversity of its population, the paucity of political rights, and the weakness of its local institutions all intensified the normal difficulties of governing a state. Whether the tsarist officials met this challenge successfully or not, the enormity of the problem would justify a careful study of the Russian bureaucracy. Yet, not until recently have Western scholars begun to give the imperial bureaucracy the attention it deserves and, in so doing, to redraw the one-dimensional picture too often sketched by Soviet historians and pre-revolutionary Russian liberals.1 The work is by no means finished. Even a cursory comparison with studies of the administrative systems of other European powers, like France, Great Britain, Germany, or Austria, reveals how much remains unknown about the Russian experience. So far historians have concentrated on the nature and activity of the Russian bureaucracy while generally neglecting its education and preparation. True, John Armstrong's The European Administrative Elite, an impressive comparative study of English, French, German, and Russian developments, does devote considerable space to the bureaucrat's pre-service training; but the fact that the Russian case invariably gets the briefest treatment underscores the need for further investigations into the education of the Russian governmental elite. The present paper, it is hoped, will help fill this need.


ASHA Leader ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christi Miller
Keyword(s):  

Addiction ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 92 (12) ◽  
pp. 1765-1772
Author(s):  
A. Esmail ◽  
B. Warburton ◽  
J. M. Bland ◽  
H. R. Anderson ◽  
J. Ramsey

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