scholarly journals THE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF THE INDIGENOUS MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN LABUAN DURING THE BRITISH ADMINISTRATION, 1946-1963

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juwita Kumala Anak Robin ◽  
Arnold Puyok

The theme of the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan is important to fill the gap in Labuan’s political history. The main questions which the study aimed to answer were: what political roles did the indigenous Muslim community play during the British colonial period from 1946-1963 in Labuan? What were the factors contributing to their political involvement and what were the reactions of the British? The study’s three main objectives were: to describe the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan from the period of 1946-1963, to analyse their roles in the British colonial administration, and to examine the British policy towards the involvement of the Muslim leaders in the political process. The study was mainly carried out through qualitative approach, involving archival research and in-depth interviews. Internal and external criticism methods were also applied in assessing, interpreting and analysing the primary, secondary and oral sources. All the key themes were presented in descriptive and chronological manner. The political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan can be divided into two phases: the first phase from 1946-1960 and the second phase, from 1961-1963. During the first phase, their political participation was essentially driven by their desires to safeguard their religious rights (Islam), ethnic identity and their collective ethnic interests. Throughout the second phase, the indigenous Muslim leaders were motivated by the Muslim community’s political rights and Labuan’s independence under the Malaysia proposal. The British attitudes towards the increased political awareness among the indigenous Muslim community leaders were generally accommodative. The indigenous Muslim community leaders were given opportunities to take part in the political activities. However, the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community was rather limited as Muslim leaders were incapacitated from playing greater political roles in the British colonial administration.Keywords: political participation, indigenous Muslim community, Labuan, British, Malaysia.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Fajri Chairawati ◽  
◽  

The model of political empowerment in building women's awareness of their political rights has been carried out in various places, but the application of the model of women's political empowerment in the conflict areas has not yet been maximized. This is due to the tradition of political education among women in the conflict has not been implemented. Cultural faktor that do not involve women's participation in the political aspect continue to this day, at least in Aceh. This study is an academic response to a number of phenomena that limit the involvement of women in filling seats in the legislature, both in the Regency and Province. This qualitative based on 5 informants to find information about women's political participation through observation, interviews and participants. Based on the field study, it was found that 20 women who fail to be members of the legislature because do not understanding the political procedures in accordance with the regulations in the conflict area. No special academic participation has been found in empowering women's politics. Not yet found the participation of ulama in empowering women's politics in conflict areas, especially Aceh. According to the author's analysis, this is an important skill to increase women's political awareness in conflict areas. The results of this study can be used by all parties who are interested in increasing women's political participation in conflict areas.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (5) ◽  
pp. 82-86
Author(s):  
Bert Lockwood ◽  
Beatrice Brickell

I would like to address myself to international outlaws and what domestic procedures are available to arrest their activities. While at first glance the nexus between domestic justice and international justice may seem tenuous, I wonder: Is it surprising that the same administration that is so insensate over the deprivation of the human rights of blacks in Southern Rhodesia is the same administration that proclaimed early in its tenure that if you have seen one slum you have pretty much seen them all, and hasn’t visited another since? Is it surprising that the same administration that evidences so little concern over the political rights of the majority in Rhodesia is the same administration that “bugs” and sabotages the political process within the United States?


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 2489-2498
Author(s):  
Rakesh Kumar

Political participation entails citizens’ engagement to exert influence on the political process and policies in a desired direction. Therein, participation of the youth has significance as a transient yet constantly receiving community with potential to shape the course of history in any society. The activities and functions of youth organizations have been pivotal in effecting changes in the twentieth century Asian socio-political and economic realms. Under the similar circumstances, the People’s Republic of China appears to be continuously evolving its social, economic, political and cultural regimes in response to the fluctuating demands of the citizens and the youth. This Essay fathoms changes in political participations of the youth in China, its implication on the Communist Youth League and how the Communist Youth League responds in the era of Market Economy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-65
Author(s):  
Rafika Abrianti ◽  
Nuryanti Mustari ◽  
Fatmawati ◽  
Ahmad Taufik

This study aims to determine the political participation of people with disabilities in the general election of the mayor of Makassar in 2018 and to determine the factors supporting and inhibiting political participation of people with disabilities in the election of the mayor of Makassar. The type of research is descriptive qualitative, which describes the political participation of people with disabilities in the general election of the mayor of Makassar in 2018 descriptively. The data collection techniques used are observation, interviews, and documentation. In this study, there were ten primary informants. Data analysis techniques by analyzing the results of the processed data are interpreted in the form of narration. While the validation of the data using triangulation. The results showed that the participation of people with disabilities in the Makassar mayoral election in 2018 was quite good because their participation was increasing from year to year. The supporting factors of political participation are the community environment and political awareness, and the completeness of the ballot. At the same time, the inhibiting factor is the lack of relevant data regarding the number of people with disabilities who take part in the election.


Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Chapter 19 considers the political and social consequences of violence against women in politics. The implications of these acts reach far beyond their effects on individual victims, harming political institutions as well as society at large. First, attempting to exclude women as women from participating in political life undermines democracy, negating political rights and disturbing the political process. Second, tolerating mistreatment due to a person’s ascriptive characteristics infringes on their human rights, damaging their personal integrity as well as the perceived social value of their group. Third, normalizing women’s exclusion from political participation relegates women to second class citizenship, threatening principles of gender equality. The chapter concludes that naming the problem of violence against women in politics thus has important repercussions along multiple dimensions, making the defense of women’s rights integral to the protection of political and human rights for all.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Fariha Khalid Khan ◽  
Razia Musarrat

Elections make a fundamental contribution to democratic governance. In democracies political decisions are made directly by the citizens of the country. Elections serve as forum for the discussion of public issues and facilitate the expression of public opinion. Electoral politics is a figurative form of political participation. Success and failure of political institutions depends upon the political awareness of people and the process of electoral politics is the subject of free, fair and transparent elections. Like her counterparts Pakistan has election process defined by constitution. The electoral process in Pakistan was not regular and transparent but last three elections 2002, 2008 and 2013 were held according to the constitution.  In Pakistan elections and political process are dominated by the political personalities. Although there are multiparty system but people mostly preferred two main parties like PPP and PML-N but it is positive that third party PTI was emerged in country as third largest party of Pakistan. The study focuses on the 2013 elections and behavior of people of district Muzaffar Garh of Punjab. The purpose of this study is to observe the electoral politics at micro level in Pakistan.


2008 ◽  
Vol 53 (No. 1) ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
J. Cmejrek

The Velvet Revolution in November 1989 in the former Czechoslovakia opened the way to the renewal of the democratic political system. One of the most visible aspects of the Czech political development consisted in the renewal of the essential functions of elections and political parties. On the local level, however, the political process - as well as in other post-communist countries - continued to be for a long time influenced by the remains of the former centralized system wherein the local administration used to be subjected to the central state power. Municipal elections took hold in these countries, however, the local government remained in the embryonic state and a certain absence of real political and economic decision-making mechanism on the local level continued to show. The public administration in the Czech Republic had to deal with the changes in the administrative division of the state, the split of the Czechoslovak federation as well as the fragmentation of municipalities whose number increased by 50 percent. Decision making mechanisms on the local and regional level were suffering from the incomplete territorial hierarchy of public administration and from the unclear division of power between the state administration and local administration bodies. Only at the end of the 1990s, the public administration in the Czech Republic started to get a more integrated and specific shape. Citizens participation in the political process represents one of the key issues of representative democracy. The contemporary democracy has to face the decrease in voter turnout and the low interest of citizens to assume responsibility within the political process. The spread of democratising process following the fall of the iron curtain should not overshadow the risk of internal weakness of democracy. The solution should be looked for in more responsible citizenship and citizens’ political participation. The degree of political participation is considered (together with political pluralism) to be the key element of representative democracy in general terms, as well as of democratic process on the local and regional level. The objective of this paper is to describe the specifics of citizens local political participation in the Czech Republic and to show the differences between rural and urban areas. The paper concentrates on voting and voter turnout but deals also with other forms of citizens political participation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Osnat Akirav

The research asks two questions related to each other. First, why do people who are successful in fields other than politics not want to become more active in politics? Second, what are the preferred characteristics of a political leader? In order to address these questions we conducted an action research involving changes in the patterns of political participation and used Dror’s (2008) model to determine the preferred characteristics of a political leader. The research, the first in its kind in the field of local government field, tried to create professional change and system change. Today, a year after the action research began; it deepens our understanding about how local council members work and allows us to implement changes based on an evaluation process in order to improve the decision-making process in the local government. Eventually, perhaps this process will attract talented people who have previously avoided political participation to engage more with the political process.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 1398-1428 ◽  
Author(s):  
ADIL HUSSAIN KHAN

AbstractThis paper looks at Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's political involvement in the Kashmir crisis of the 1930s under its second and most influentialkhalīfat al-masīh, Mirza Bashir al-Din Mahmud Ahmad, who took over the movement in 1914, six years after the death of his father, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. Communal tensions springing from the Kashmir riots of 1931 provided Mirza Mahmud Ahmad with an opportunity to display the ability of his Jama'at to manage an international crisis and to lead the Muslim mainstream towards independence from Britain. Mahmud Ahmad's relations with influential Muslim community leaders, such as Iqbal, Fazl-i Husain, Zafrulla Khan, and Sheikh Abdullah (Sher-i Kashmīr), enabled him to further both his religious and political objectives in the subcontinent. This paper examines Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's role in establishing a major political lobby, the All-India Kashmir Committee. It also shows how the political involvement of Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya in Kashmir during the 1930s left Ahmadis susceptible to criticism from opposition groups, like the Majlis-i Ahrar, amongst others, in later years. Ultimately, this paper will demonstrate how Mahmud Ahmad's skilful use of religion, publicity, and political activism during the Kashmir crisis instantly legitimized a political platform for Jama'at-i Ahmadiyya's entrance into the mainstream political framework of modern South Asia, which thereby has facilitated the development of the Ahmadi controversy since India's partition.


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