scholarly journals Pumping Up the Base: Deployment of Strong Emotion and Simple Language in Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speeches

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cynthia Whissell

Background and Method: This research examines the nomination acceptance speeches of US presidential candidates from Republican and Democratic parties in the post-WWII mass communication era (1948–2020, 38 speeches). Variables studied are the emotional tone of the speeches, their abstractness, their Grade Level, their employment of personal pronouns and their mentions of “America”. Speeches were scored with the Dictionary of Affect in Language (a sentiment analysis tool).Predictions: On the basis of functionalist theories of political discourse, it was predicted that the speeches would have a pleasant and active or celebratory emotional tone. Based on related research that focused on the effects of mass distribution on presidential communications, it was predicted that the speeches would increase in pleasantness, arousal and linguistic simplicity across years.Results: As predicted, speeches were pleasant and active in tone. Across years, speeches became significantly more arousing, less abstract, simpler, and longer. When individual speeches were divided into five equal portions, a strong significant quadratic trend was observed for pleasantness, which started high at the beginning of a speech, fell in the center, and rose again at the end.Conclusions: Presidential nomination acceptance speeches are emotionally pleasant and active and linguistically simple (Grade 8 level). Between 1948 and 2020, they remained pleasant, and became more active and simpler. In service of their aim to “pump up the base” individual speeches began on a pleasant, nationalistic and personal note, encompassed duller and more impersonal material in their centers, and became positive again at the end.

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (04) ◽  
pp. 688-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Sebold ◽  
Scott Limbocker ◽  
Andrew Dowdle ◽  
Patrick Stewart

AbstractIn fundraising, potential candidates who do not collect sizable amounts of “early money” may be effectively eliminated even before the start of the Iowa Caucus. This winnowing raises concern about the impact money has on narrowing the field of candidates from whom voters can choose. To better grasp patterns of successful fundraising, we explore where candidates obtain funds during the preprimary and primary periods. We use individual contributions data from the Federal Election Commission during the preprimary and primary periods of the 2008 Republican presidential nomination contest. Findings suggest that although California, New York, and Texas provide disproportionate amounts of early financing, the ability of presidential aspirants to broaden their support is indicative of campaign success.


2006 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 45-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Steger

Studies divide over which offices are the best position from which to seek the presidency. This study looks at how candidates from various backgrounds perform in the competition for resources and votes in presidential nomination campaigns. The study also sheds light on Burden’s (2002)“candidate pool “and “candidate investment” hypotheses. As a group, senators are found to be relatively weak fundraisers, receive less campaign news coverage, and attract less public support than presidential candidates from most other backgrounds. Senators as a group are more variable than other groups of office-holders, but not significantly so. Most but not all senators who enter the race appear to invest themselves in their campaign.


2010 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-108
Author(s):  
Ravi Perry

Recent research documents how party rules, election reforms, and the growth of primaries and caucuses have greatly changed the presidential nomination process. Acknowledging that most Americans get their information about presidential candidates through the news and that mass media have played a significant role in introducing candidates to potential voters, I conduct an longitudinal content analysis of the New York Times articles to ethnographically explain how language, article placement and content in ‘America's Paper’ has significantly impacted the framing of black presidential candidates' pre-primary presidential campaigns. In particular, the data reveal how the newspaper's coverage of the candidates appears to vary based on perceived viability and as willingness to vote for a black president increases.


Author(s):  
Sheilesha R. Willis ◽  
Gloria L. Sweida ◽  
Stephanie Glassburn ◽  
Cynthia L. Sherman ◽  
Michelle C. Bligh

Although prior research demonstrates that charisma and rhetoric are two determinants of voting behavior, few studies have examined the effects of charismatic rhetoric and affect as they pertain to the outcomes of presidential elections. Using DICTION software for content analysis, 432 pre-convention speeches from the 2008 presidential election were analyzed to explore the effects that charismatic rhetoric and affect have on presidential candidates’ success. Results indicate that there were more similarities than differences in the charismatic and affect-laden rhetoric of successful and unsuccessful presidential candidates in both the Republican and Democratic parties. Overall, the results demonstrate that both successful and unsuccessful presidential candidates used charismatic rhetoric and emotional language to motivate their followers in the 2008 presidential election.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (02) ◽  
pp. 269
Author(s):  
Paul Timmermans

In the January issue ofPS, papers by William Mayer and by Lonna Atkeson and Cherie Maestas investigate reforms of the party nomination procedure for presidential candidates. In order to avoid the amplification of name recognition and early fundraising advantages, as these effects resulted from the “frontloading” of state nominations ('08 Tsunami Tuesday), broader “spacing” between primary dates may be required. But such an expansion of the sequential voting principle carries an unfortunate disadvantage ignored in the papers. This disadvantage is the, however unintended, consequence of candidates manipulating their program in accordance tomethodsthrough which votes are being cast.


1983 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald S. Lemos

STAR, a computer program that computes Flesch Reading Ease scores and reading grade level estimates is described. This program processes text samples in an on-line environment The readability indicators are a function of number of syllables per word and number of words per sentence. Six text transcription rules are described to maximize the reliability of computer processing. Nineteen varied samples are analyzed by STAR and compared to hand calculations done by Flesch. The results show that the STAR program, coupled with the described transcription rules, is an extremely reliable analysis tool.


Significance Since 2017, Trump has made waves in foreign and domestic policy, not least due to his preparedness seemingly to overturn the status quo on a whim. However, his administration is treading policy and political ground in familiar ways. Impacts If Trump’s political fortunes decline, he could face a Republican challenger for the presidential nomination. For 2020, Republicans will try to regain suburban, minority and female voters. Democratic presidential candidates are starting to declare: Republicans will begin campaign intelligence and push-back work.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orly Kayam

The purpose of this study is to identify the readability and simplicity of Donald J. Trump’s speech in his media interviews and debates during the 2016 US presidential primary campaign. A total of 10 interviews and debates broadcast on different television networks were analyzed using three of the most commonly used readability formulas: Flesch–Kincaid, Simple Measure of Gobbledygook (SMOG), and Gunning-Fog. The analysis revealed that a fourth- to fifth-grade level of education (9- to 11-year-olds) is required to understand Trump’s language. In total, 10 additional interviews and debates of other candidates in the presidential election of 2016, from both the Republican and the Democratic parties, were analyzed, using the same readability formulas, in order to shed additional light on Trump’s results. This analysis showed that the average score of all the other candidates was at a ninth-grade level (14- to 15-year-olds). Furthermore, the study reveals that Trump’s sentences and words were significantly shorter and less complex than those of any other candidate. This study suggests that Trump uses low readability and simplicity of language as a rhetorical strategy to gain popularity, in accordance with the trend of anti-intellectualism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 134
Author(s):  
Muhammad Siddiq Armia

The removal of the presidential threshold system, on the one hand, has made a positive impact on the development of democracy in Indonesia. It can restore the basic rights of the citizens in the constitution (remedy of constitutional rights) that had been hurt by the threshold. The advantages include the minor parties’ opportunity to propose their respective presidential candidates and also the prospect of having more diversed presidential candidates. The new system will allow the president to be at ease in carrying out the governmental duties due to the absence of the dominant parties’ intervention in the parliament. However, the weaknesses of the abolition of the presidential threshold should also be of concern because of the vulnerability of individual interests that may be obtained through the presidential nomination. In terms of the national security, there will be an expansion of conflict and criminal acts escalation attributed to the candidates' election. Further, for the efficiency itself, the electoral budget allocation will greatly increase (high cost election). This will nevertheless an issue because such excessive budget allocation may be better supplied to areas that can increase the people’s welfare. Therefore, this assumption needs to be investigated further with in-depth research on the efficiency of campaign funds.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 354-364
Author(s):  
Rob Richie ◽  
Benjamin Oestericher ◽  
Deb Otis ◽  
Jeremy Seitz-Brown

Grounded in experience in 2020, both major political parties have reasons to expand use of ranked choice voting (RCV) in their 2024 presidential primaries. RCV may offer a ‘win-win’ solution benefiting both the parties and their voters. RCV would build on both the pre-1968 American tradition of parties determining a coalitional presidential nominee through multiple ballots at party conventions and the modern practice of allowing voters to effectively choose their nominees in primaries. Increasingly used by parties around the world in picking their leaders, RCV may allow voters to crowd-source a coalitional nominee. Most published research about RCV focuses on state and local elections. In contrast, this article analyzes the impact on voters, candidates, and parties from five state Democratic parties using RCV in party-run presidential nomination contests in 2020. First, it uses polls and results to examine how more widespread use of RCV might have affected the trajectory of contests for the 2016 Republican nomination. Second, it contrasts how more than three million voters in the 2020 Democratic presidential primaries backed withdrawn candidates with the low rate of such wasted votes for withdrawn candidates in the states with RCV ballots. Finally, it concludes with an examination of how RCV might best interact with the parties’ current rules and potential changes to those rules.


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