scholarly journals Who Wants to Grant Robots Rights?

2022 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maartje M. A. De Graaf ◽  
Frank A. Hindriks ◽  
Koen V. Hindriks

The robot rights debate has thus far proceeded without any reliable data concerning the public opinion about robots and the rights they should have. We have administered an online survey (n = 439) that investigates layman’s attitudes toward granting particular rights to robots. Furthermore, we have asked them the reasons for their willingness to grant them those rights. Finally, we have administered general perceptions of robots regarding appearance, capacities, and traits. Results show that rights can be divided in sociopolitical and robot dimensions. Reasons can be distinguished along cognition and compassion dimensions. People generally have a positive view about robot interaction capacities. We found that people are more willing to grant basic robot rights such as access to energy and the right to update to robots than sociopolitical rights such as voting rights and the right to own property. Attitudes toward granting rights to robots depend on the cognitive and affective capacities people believe robots possess or will possess in the future. Our results suggest that the robot rights debate stands to benefit greatly from a common understanding of the capacity potentials of future robots.

Author(s):  
Dries Verlet ◽  
Carl Devos

Although policy evaluation has always been important, today there is a rising attention for policy evaluation in the public sector. In order to provide a solid base for the so-called evidence-based policy, valid en reliable data are needed to depict the performance of organisations within the public sector. Without a solid empirical base, one needs to be very careful with data mining in the public sector. When measuring performance, several unintended and negative effects can occur. In this chapter, the authors focus on a few common pitfalls that occur when measuring performance in the public sector. They also discuss possible strategies to prevent them by setting up and adjusting the right measurement systems for performance in the public sector. Data mining is about knowledge discovery. The question is: what do we want to know? What are the consequences of asking that question?


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 505-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
François Petry ◽  
Matthew Mendelsohn

Abstract. This study examines the consistency between public opinion and public policy during the period 1994–2001 by matching responses to national survey questions on 230 issues with enacted policy proposals on the same issues. Policy outcomes were consistent with majority opinion 49 per cent of the time. This represents a significant drop from 69 per cent during the Mulroney years (1985–1993). Low opinion-policy consistency since 1994 is primarily attributable to divergences between public majorities that are increasingly supportive of a change toward the right and the policies of Jean Chrétien that are more leftist and status quo oriented than those of his predecessor. We argue that these divergences go largely unnoticed by the public because they tend to occur on low-profile issues. On the other hand, the evidence suggests a much tighter correlation between opinion and policy on a small number of high-profile issues of which the public is much more aware, thereby creating the appearance of attentiveness to Canadian public opinion.Résumé. En comparant les décisions sur 230 enjeux de politiques publiques avec les résultats de sondages nationaux sur ces mêmes enjeux, cet article cherche à quantifier le degré d'adéquation entre l'opinion publique et la politique gouvernementale entre 1994 et 2001. Les calculs révèlent que seulement 49 pour cent des décisions du gouvernement de Jean Chrétien sont allées dans le même sens que l'opinion publique, en nette diminution par rapport aux 69 pour cent observés pendant la période Mulroney (1985–1993). La baisse de corrélation depuis 1994 est principalement attribuable à la divergence entre une opinion publique de plus en plus favorable au changement et idéologiquement orientée à droite et la politique du gouvernement de Jean Chrétien sensiblement plus résistante au changement et idéologiquement plus à gauche que celle de son prédécesseur. Le public a tendance à ignorer le manque de corrélation entre l'opinion et les politiques gouvernementales parce que les enjeux en question sont relativement peu importants. Par contre, il semble que la corrélation entre l'opinion et les politiques soit beaucoup plus forte dans un petit nombre d'enjeux importants que le public reconnaît, créant ainsi l'apparence d'un gouvernement attentif aux souhaits de l'opinion publique canadienne.


2020 ◽  
pp. 139-167
Author(s):  
Sandra Tomczak

Asterblumowa’s case: some reflections on Polish-Jewish divisions and disappointments of the late 1930s Cywja Asterblumowa was a first-year law student at the University of Warsaw when during one of many antisemitic riots in 1936 she was beaten and accused of insulting the Polish nation. In the trial, the judge and the prosecutor, taking into consideration her religious faith, refused her the right to feel Polish. The author of the article presents not only Asterblumowa’s case—from her enrolling in the university to being imprisoned—but above all, concentrates on the reactions of the public opinion in which the discussion centered on the Polishness and Jewishness as well as the truth and the usurpation. In Asterblumowa’s case and the discussion surrounding it, all the divisions, prejudices, stereotypes, fierceness, disappointment and resignation, which the late 1930s brought upon the Polish-Jewish relations, are clearly visible.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 151
Author(s):  
Abdulfattah Omar ◽  
Wafya Ibrahim Hamouda ◽  
Mohammed Aldawsari

This study is concerned with investigating the implications of the new nationalist and populist discourse of the far right-wing movements to immigration in different Arab countries, with a focus on Egypt, Lebanon, and Jordan. For this purpose, the study is based on a corpus of different genres, including political speeches, newspaper articles, as well as social media posts and comics. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is used in order to explore speakers’ ideologies and how rhetoric and discursive strategies are employed to influence public opinion and persuade citizens about certain views and policies and even prompt them to take the desired action. Results indicate that the new nationalist and populist discourse adopted by different politicians and far right-wing parties and movements have negative impact on the rights of migrants and refugees in Arab countries. Migrants and refugees are used as scapegoats for political gains. They are blamed for all social, economic, and political challenges and crises these countries are suffering today. Right-wing movements are embedding some hidden ideologies in their political discourse that are related to the hate and rejection of migrants and refugees. It can also be concluded that the increasing popularity of anti-immigration movements and radical right-wing political leaders hint at the influence of the nationalist and populist discourse on the public opinion in their countries. Populist discourse has led to fear and rejection of the “Other”, and even to racist acts and xenophobia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tao Sun ◽  
Jinghui Wang ◽  
Shu’e Zhang ◽  
Yu Shi ◽  
Bei Liu ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Conflict between physicians and patients is an increasingly serious problem, leading to the disrepute attached to Chinese physicians’ social image and position. This study assesses the status of physicians’ self-perceived professional reputation damage and explains it’s the adverse outcomes including withdrawal behavior and workplace well-being. Moreover, potential causes of Chinese physicians’ disrepute have been outlined. Methods Primary data were collected through a cross-sectional online survey of physicians from 10 provinces in China, who were invited to complete an anonymous survey from December 2018 to January 2019. A total of 842 physicians (effective response rate: 92.22%) were recruited as participants. Results About 83% of the participants self-perceived professional reputation damage from the sense of the public opinion concept. Approach half of participants exhibited the idea of turnover intention (47.3%) and one or more symptoms of burnout (46.4%). About 74.9% of the participants experienced a degree of stress. Additionally, three out of five participants reported low-level subjective well-being. More than 70% of the participants disapproved of their offspring becoming a physician. Four factors leading to physicians’ damaged professional reputations are those addressed: conflict transfer, cognitive bias, improper management, and individual deviance. Stigmatised physicians are more likely to practice high-frequent defensive medicine (β = 0.172, P <0.001), intend to leave the profession (β = 0.240, P <0.001), disapprove of their children becoming physicians (β = 0.332, P<0.001) and yield worse levels of workplace well-being, including high levels of perceived stress (β = 0.214, P <0.001), increasing burnout (β = 0.209, P <0.001), and declining sense of well-being (β = − 0.311, P<0.001). Conclusion Chinese physicians were aware of damaged professional reputations from the sense of the public opinion concept, which contributes to increasing withdrawal behaviors and decreasing workplace well-being—a worsening trend threatening the entire health system. This novel evidence argues a proposal that Chinese health policy-makers and hospital administrators should promote the destigmatization of physicians immediately.


1993 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-241
Author(s):  
Fred Bud Burkhard

Perhaps the most cherished prerogative of French intellectuals is the right to take a position, to have a public opinion on any and every matter. This power to pronounce judgement has crumbled somewhat in the electronic age before the pressures of the public opinion poll and the occasionally surreal media star syndrome, but generally intellectual and cultural leaders in France have retained highly visible and respected roles within national life.


Author(s):  
Neni Susilawati ◽  
Vallencia Vallencia

The government always strives to boost tax revenue with various instruments and approaches, but the results are often not as expected. Of the various strategies, the tax payer- behavior approach is still rarely applied. The re-emergence of the issue of tax data publication through Pandora Paper after previously being surprised with the Panama Paper, is the right momentum to look back at tax transparency with the naming and shaming instrument. But before that, research is needed on whether the application of this approach is suitable to be applied in Indonesian society with a heterogeneous socio-cultural character. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to explore the level of social control of the community as an initial capital in implementing the public disclosure on tax in an effort to increase tax compliance. Quantitative approach was conducted with online survey as data collection technique. As the result, Indonesian people have strong social control, especially with the existence of social media. The majority of respondents support if the publication of tax data is applied. Public disclosure on tax has a significant role in shaping tax morals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 835
Author(s):  
Dany Yulianingsih ◽  
Rasji Rasji

The general election regulated in constitution No 7 on 2017  in a manner implemented one, freely,secretly, and  fair is one important element because  in the general election apart from the mechanism for  selecting leaders to  guarate periodic chanfe in leadership. This is a manifestation of the from of political night of citizens. Because Indonesia is one of the countries which uphotls human rights (HAM). In a state responsibilities for  implementation and who registered the data  vote in pemilukada, updating vote data based on population data  prepared and submitted by the govermment for unregistered vote as potensial vote in the election can make a claim by the personality in a governing election in carry out on duty calling in conducting outreach and direction to the society, menkers of the public  who are  not registered on  the permarent votes list still can using it political right in the from  of the right to votr . that’s enogh to bring the identification card (KTP), passport or other identity that prones it is a local society or a move from another area. Letter as or transder letter for resettled residents from another regions. How ever this was not finish by election officials at the district level, so that the community still did’nt exercise their voting rights in the elections of 2015.


Author(s):  
George C. Edwards

This book examines the role of presidential leadership in American politics, arguing that the key to successful leadership for the president is not persuasion but the president’s broad strategic position regarding the public, and that to reveal this position requires asking the right questions. It illustrates the advantages of focusing on the president’s existing opportunity structure by analyzing the first two years of Barack Obama’s second term. In particular, it considers Obama’s strategic position—his opportunity structure—with the public to explain why he faced such difficulties in obtaining the public’s support. It also explores the president’s opportunity structure in Congress and how he exploits existing public opinion on policies. Finally, it discusses the importance of strategic assessments in presidential leadership and the leverage they give us in evaluating the likely success of strategies for governing.


Author(s):  
Mårten Blix ◽  
Henrik Jordahl

The steady privatization of welfare service production has been a longstanding source of political conflict and debate. For-profit providers have met particularly harsh resistance from the left and only mild support from the right. Public opinion is largely skewed against private providers and affects the welfare sector by influencing implemented and expected regulation. In addition to the left–right divide, opinions on private production are split in several other ways. Notably, elected politicians are more supportive of privatization than the voters. The Social Democrats have been a dominant force in Sweden and have long been split on how to address privatization. The party contains a vocal left-wing with ideological objections that wants to stop and reverse course. Another wing of the party is more market-oriented and in some circumstances in favour of choice and competition. A key finding is that public opinion is fairly negative towards for-profit providers, while simultaneously very supportive of opportunities to choose between providers. To an astounding extent, people tend to overestimate the profits of private providers. As a result, the negative opinion against for-profit providers is partly based on misperceptions. Transparency and information are fundamental underpinnings for the public support of privatization.


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