scholarly journals Step In, Step Out from the First Lockdown: An Exploration of COVID-19 Perceptions in France and Quebec

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 965-977
Author(s):  
Jean-Charles David ◽  
Kévin Nadarajah ◽  
Anta Niang ◽  
Sylvain Delouvée ◽  
Martin Goyette ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Health Management ◽  
The Political ◽  
Psychological Responses ◽  
Behavioral Measures ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative ◽  
Perceptions Of Risk ◽  
Socially Constructed ◽  
Quantitative Studies ◽  
First Time

Objective. The objective of this research was to describe and analyze the role of psychological and behavioral factors on perceptions of COVID-19 in France and Quebec at three different times during the pandemic. Design. We conducted three qualitative and quantitative studies (Study 1 N = 255, Study 2 N = 230, Study 3 N = 143). Participants were asked to evaluate psychological and behavioral measures: at the beginning of lockdown (Study 1), during lockdown (Study 2), and during lockdown exit (Study 3). Results. Results of Study 1 show that perceptions of COVID-19 are organized around fear and a sense of threat. During the lockdown, participants mentioned for the first time the health practices to prevent the spread of COVID-19 (Study 2). Psychological and social impacts constitute a central theme in participants’ discourse (Study 2 and 3). Conclusions. The results show that perceptions of risk during a pandemic are socially constructed. Perceptions seem to be influenced by the political and health management of a territory and by the evolution of behavioral and psychological responses.

Popular Imperialism, Democracy, Conservatism and Socialism, 1850–1900

2019 ◽  
pp. 172-202
Author(s):  
Nick Mansfield
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Active Part ◽  
The Political ◽  
Reform Movements ◽  
Officer Corps ◽  
Post Discharge ◽  
Mass Democracy ◽  
First Time

This chapter reviews the political sympathies of soldiers – both officers and rank and file - in the age of high Victorian imperialism and emerging British democracy. It examines the role of the army in growing working class support for popular imperialism, often fuelled by racism. Whilst it acknowledges the overall tendency for officers to support Conservatism, it uncovers tenacious support for Liberalism on the part of some of the officer corps. This extended to many of the rank and file in the post-Chartist period, with post discharge soldiers actively supporting all types of reform movements and taking an active part in the mass democracy brought about by the 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts. With the development of socialism from the 1880s this even extended to a significant number of ‘soldier socialists’, surveyed here for the first time.

scholarly journals Liaison Old Age Psychiatry Service in a Medical Setting: Description of the Newcastle Clinical Service

2011 ◽  
Vol 2011 ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. B. Mukaetova-Ladinska ◽  
G. Cosker ◽  
M. Coppock ◽  
M. Henderson ◽  
Y. Ali Ashgar ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Old Age ◽  
Clinical Activity ◽  
Medical Setting ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative ◽  
Quantitative Studies ◽  
Old Age Psychiatry ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Multidisciplinary Model ◽  
Further Development

Liaison Old Age Psychiatry services (LOAP) have begun to emerge in the UK and further development of the service is supported by the latest health policies. Since qualitative and quantitative studies in this area are lacking, we have undertaken a detailed quantitative prospective review of referrals to the Newcastle LOAP to evaluate the clinical activity of the service. We report high referral rates and turnover for the LOAP service. Reasons for referral are diverse, ranging from requests for level of care and capacity assessments and transfer to other clinical services to management of behaviour, diagnosis, and treatment. We outline the value of a multidisciplinary model of LOAP activity, including the important role of the liaison nursing team, in providing a rapid response, screening, and followup of high number of clinical referrals to the service.

War under transnational surveillance: framing ambiguity and the politics of shame

2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
PASCAL VENNESSON
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Applicable Law ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative ◽  
Quantitative Studies ◽  
Behavioural Effects ◽  
Israel Defence Force ◽  
Naming And Shaming

Abstract‘Naming and shaming’ those accused of abuse and misconduct is one of the most common strategies of transnational activists. Yet both qualitative and quantitative studies show that the policy and behavioural effects of naming and shaming are often contradictory. Named and shamed actors do respond at least partially by adjusting their policies and behaviour to some extent, but the actions challenged publicly as human rights violations may not cease and can even become more widespread. This ambivalent outcome is usually explained by the uneven capacity of the target to reform or by its ‘strategic’ response to escape the consequences of naming and shaming. By contrast, I show that naming and shaming can be brought to a standstill when the frame used by transnational activists is ambiguous. I trace the role of framing ambiguity during the Human Rights Watch (HRW) ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns against the Israel Defence Force (IDF) in the course of the July–August 2006 Israel-Hezbollah war (Lebanon war), and the December 2008–January 2009 Israel-Hamas war (Gaza war). I argue that HRW's use of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) as a frame led to an argumentative deadlock (frame implication contest). This legal frame, and the process of legal framing, did genuinely constrain the IDF, affecting its operations and behaviour. However, the ambiguity of the frame also provided the IDF with a range of material and ideational assets that gave it scope to claim that its actions were actually in conformity with applicable law, and to justify continuing to use force in densely populated areas.

A Profile of Thirteenth-Century Sainthood

1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-437 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michal Goodich
Keyword(s):  
Church History ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of Christianity ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Quantitative Studies ◽  
History Of ◽  
Entire History ◽  
Family Connections ◽  
The Many

Thus far, two quantitative studies of Catholic sainthood have been attempted. Altruistic Love by Pitirim Sorokin,1 which deals with the entire history of Christianity, established the patterns of saintly behavior over a two-thousand-year period. Although many of Sorokin's analytical categories are useful, his conclusions are rather broad and do not take sufficiently into account changing conditions in church history. His geographical subdivisions, for example, which are based upon the twentieth-century nation-state, are anachronistic when applied to a medieval context. No distinctions are made between the various genres of freeman, e.g., the old feudal aristocracy and the urban-dwelling nobility, although their interests were often in conflict. Nor does Sorokin consider the role of the papacy and the political crosscurrents-Guelph vs. Ghibelline, Englishman vs. Frenchman, heresy vs. orthodoxy-which determined the function of a saint's cult and the likelihood of his being venerated in any particular epoch. Frequently these saints became the objects of cults not so much because of their personal piety but rather as a result of their political activities, family connections, or membership in an aggressive religious order. Nor does Sorokin consider the many local saints, whose worship was restricted to one or several dioceses and who failed to gain international recognition. Such relatively obscure individuals, the sources of much local pride, were often the objects of more active and long-lasting cults than their well-known confreres.

Can the Popular Disembody Populism? Students and the Re-appropriation of the Nationalist Floating Signifier in Contemporary Indian Politics

2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302199914
Author(s):  
Jean-Thomas Martelli
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Pivotal Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small Communities ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
Campus Ecology ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time

This ethnographic account chronicles the journey of one of the largest anti-government protests since India’s independence. It examines the pivotal role of students—initially activists and then first-time participants—in crystallizing challenges to the ruling dispensation, not only by opposing it directly, but through subverting its way of claiming representation. More specifically, it is the strategic reuse of the pervasive anti-institutional and anti-elite discourse at the top—while replacing its majoritarianism with inclusiveness—that enabled protesters to disembody the populist modality of the current Indian Prime Minister. Protesters’ short-lived success was achieved through an enactment of the popular, embodied in a diffused fashion by faceless, peaceful and feminized protesting masses. The popular successfully appropriated the claim to be the people through invoking a ‘derivative’ nationalist repertoire in part shared by the government, emptying its anti-minorities subtext through appropriating floating signifiers of patriotic belonging such as the Indian constitution, the flag and the anthem. By engaging on how relatively small communities of politicized students used the campus ecology and its neighbouring spaces as territorial and ideational nodal points for the mobilization of less politicized cohorts, the article underlines their significance in the political articulation of dissent in contemporary Indian democracy.

scholarly journals ROLE OF THE ARMY IN MODERN PAKISTAN

2014 ◽  
pp. 156-164
Author(s):  
V. V. Vorobiev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Positive Trend ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
Modern Period ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time

The article studies the political development of the country in the modern period. Special attention is paid to the position of the army and its role in the Pakistani society. The article explores in detail the processes of gradual distancing of the army from politics and strengthening of civil society institutions. It is the first time in the Pakistani history that the civilian government managed to complete its full five-year constitutional term. Meanwhile, the country has been advancing on the path to democracy even after the elections 2013: a new civilian government has been formed in Pakistan. As compared with the previous phases of the country's development, the status of the army has considerably changed, evolved from "guiding force" to "shadow" guarantee of democratic development. The process has been largely encouraged by popular among officers feeling of tiredness: many of them are not ready to take power into their own hands and committed to their strictly constitutional duties. Despite this recent positive trend, the army continues to enjoy great authority in the society, often brokers political crisis and helps civilian authorities in settling such pressing problems as, for example, fight against extremism. The military will exert influence on government unless civil authorities are able to resist the current challenges and settle the actual problems. The role of "power broker" fully serves the interests of the top army brass.

scholarly journals The Balfour Declaration: Scottish Presbyterian Eschatology and British Policy Towards Palestine

Perichoresis ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 35-59
Author(s):  
Alasdair Black
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
Jonathan Edwards ◽  
The Political ◽  
Church Of Scotland ◽  
Salvation History ◽  
Governmental Support ◽  
Theological Influences ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Way

Abstract This article considers the theological influences on the Balfour Declaration which was made on the 2 November 1917 and for the first time gave British governmental support to the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. It explores the principal personalities and political workings behind the Declaration before going on to argue the statement cannot be entirely divested from the religious sympathies of those involved, especially Lord Balfour. Thereafter, the paper explores the rise of Christian Restorationism in the context of Scottish Presbyterianism, charting how the influence of Jonathan Edwards shaped the thought of Thomas Chalmers on the role of the Jews in salvation history which in turn influenced the premillennialism of Edward Irving and his Judeo-centric eschatology. The paper then considers the way this eschatology became the basis of John Darby’s premillennial dispensationalism and how in an American context this theology began to shape the thinking of Christian evangelicals and through the work of William Blackstone provide the basis of popular and political support for Zionism. However, it also argues the political expressions of premillennial dispensationalism only occurred in America because the Chicago evangelist Dwight L. Moody was exposed to the evolving thinking of Scottish Presbyterians regarding Jewish restoration. This thinking had emerged from a Church of Scotland ‘Mission of Inquiry’ to Palestine in 1839 and been advanced by Alexander Keith, Horatius Bonar and David Brown. Finally, the paper explores how this Scottish Presbyterian heritage influenced the rise of Zionism and Balfour and his political judgements.

scholarly journals Parties and civil Society Organization in Libya Political Life

2021 ◽  
pp. 168-183
Author(s):  
الياس أبوبكر الباروني
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Grassroots Level ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
First Time

There is no doubt that the Libyan society is rich in its demographic and socio-cultural composition, but it was not accompanied by an effective and influential civil society. The tribe was the main controlling factor in the political arena through its political exploitation, especially during the period of Colonel Gaddafi's rule, Rejecting every political color under the pretext of "Who demonstrates other Islamic and civil parties , betrays," and "the partisan abortion of democracy," and the representation of the representation of the "and other political armaments abhorrent, a ranking of the aforementioned is the problem statement of the President’s question of: What is the nature of the role of parties and civil society organizations in political life?. The study aims to identify the emergence of political parties in Libya, clarifying the map of the Islamic parties involved in Libyan political life, and then highlighting the role of civil parties in Libyan political life, as well as standing in the reality of civil society organizations in Libyan political life. The study is a descriptive, descriptive method and a critical analytical approach to understand, study, describe and analyze the role of political parties and civil society organizations and their tools in shaping the political system of Libya, reaching the most important results which was recently created for the first time after the fall of Gaddafi reflected a competitive dynamic, but still lacks the ability to declare specific political programs and identify their political identity and position on current issues related to development issues that Libya seeks to achieve. Following the Libyan revolution in February, a large number of civil society institutions and organizations But it is still limited in activity and there is no presence in all regions of Libya, which reflects the initiative and seek to control the formation of gatherings and federations without having a practical translation at the grassroots level throughout the country.

scholarly journals O'Connell and the struggle for the emancipation of the catholics

2020 ◽  
pp. 22-28
Author(s):  
M. V. Kochetkova
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Irish Nationalism ◽  
Moral Force ◽  
Significant Achievement ◽  
Entire Nation ◽  
First Time ◽  
New System

The aim of the study was to examine the most significant achievement in Irish Nationalism, which was embodied in the trend of moral force, the Emancipation of Catholics and the role of D. O'Connell in this process. After the introduction of the Union between Ireland and Great Britain in 1801, after the suppression of the 1803 uprising among the Irish nationalists, the apologists of the constitutional way of achieving self-government remained only one way, granting Catholics equal political rights. Automatically, Catholics were not prohibited from being elected as deputies or holding public office. But due to the fact that when entering these positions it was required to give the Crown a double oath, secular and religious, Anglican, Catholics could not give such a second oath. Consequently, Emancipation meant the liberation of Catholics from the religious part of the oath to the Crown. All attempts to pass a law on emancipation within the framework of Westminster ended in the defeat of the initiative of the Irish commoners, it became obvious that a different method of achieving the goal was needed. It was developed by the leader of the Nationalists D. O'Connell. The essence of the new system of struggle was to create a massive, regulated movement of the entire Nation for the political rights of Catholics. It included holding rallies, setting up a press of its own, and the introduction of a Catholic Rent designed to fund the movement from donations. Thus, for the first time in European history, a massive, nationwide, controlled movement was created. As a result of these innovations, Westminster passed the Catholic Emancipation Act in 1829. O'Connell's role in this victory was decisive.

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