scholarly journals Political Stability and Bank Flows: New Evidence

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mafalda Venâncio de Vasconcelos

In this paper, we use a rich dataset of several countries to analyze how sound political measures affect cross-border bank flows. Furthermore, our work is the first to comprehensively examine various components of political stability on the aforementioned subject using a larger sample than previous studies, and covering the period 1984–2013. Our paper will inform policy makers which particular aspects of political stability have a significant effect on cross-border bank flows and provide an outline on the favorable long term political and institutional development to increase such flows. We find that sound political measures—and therefore, higher political stability—increase cross-border bank flows, especially in advanced economies. Moreover, we find that in advanced economies, the political stability components; socioeconomic conditions, investment profile, corruption within the political system, religious tensions, ethnic tensions, and bureaucracy quality have a positive and close association with such bank flows. In our work, we also find that policies aiming to increase political stability have a stronger impact after the financial crisis of 2008, namely with regard to policies that affect socioeconomic conditions, investment profile, corruption within the political system and religious tensions.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-49
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Grigoriev

Abstract Of the 206 amendments introduced to the Russian constitution and adopted on July 1, 2020, 24 deal directly with the Constitutional Court, its organization, functioning, and the role it plays in the political system. Compared to many other, these are also rather precise and detailed, ranging from the number of judges on the bench, their nomination and dismissal, to the Court’s inner procedures, new locus standi limitations, and the primacy of the Constitution over Russia’s international obligations. Most changes only reproduce amendments brought to the secondary legislation over the last twenty years, and are therefore meant to preserve the status quo rather than change anything significantly. At the same time, a number of amendments aim at politicizing and instrumentalizing the Court for the president’s benefit, marking a significant departure from the previous institutional development.


Significance If the referendum passes, it will lead to significant changes to the political system, including new executive posts, the devolution of more national revenues to county governments and measures to ensure more women are elected to parliament. Impacts Fully implementing the BBI’s wide-ranging reforms may take years, and if mishandled could delay the 2022 elections. The proposals will significantly increase the cost of government, which in turn will exacerbate the shrinking fiscal space. An enlarged executive encompassing a broader range of leaders may boost political stability, but it will likely also aggravate graft.


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Z. Paltiel

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hadi Karyono

<p>Building democracy is not something easy, democracy as a political system has become the choice of our founding fathers. Democracy to this day is still considered to be the best political system of the political system that has ever existed. As the best political system, democracy must be cared for and fostered in order to thrive in our country, the Republic of Indonesia. However, at present, there are many efforts that distort democracy. SARA politics developed by certain groups for example. Besides the hoax news that is repeatedly spread so that it is considered a truth. This ultimately made people including millennials confused. This paper aims to explore more deeply how to build a democratic democracy and the dynamics of the 2019 presidential election. In this paper the literature research method is used. In the discussion it can be concluded that the challenge of the 2019 general election is: how to deal with challenges ahead of the 2019 general election in Indonesia to implement an effective political constellation to build political stability.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arusyak Aleksanyan ◽  
Ashot Aleksanyan

This book analyses procedures for ensuring Eurasian Economic Union political stability and promoting Eurasian integration. The political factors of stability and new integration agenda of the EEU member states have been comparatively analyzed by the application of the methodology of the Stability Index of Political System with careful consideration of continually improving the context of legal obligations and harmonizing interstate relations. The book covers a comprehensive study of a number of factors determining the political stability of the EEU member states within 2000-2019. In-country and Crosscountry analyses have been conducted within the framework of methodology of the Stability Index of Political System. This book is intended to be used by scholars, experts and students at universities and research centers.


Author(s):  
Markus Patberg

This chapter turns to the public narrative of ‘We, the peoples of Europe’, according to which constituent power in the EU lies with the peoples of the member states, and asks to what extent it can be defended in systematic terms. In doing so, it draws on the political theory of demoi-cracy, which interprets the EU as a political system for the joint self-government of separate political communities. Building on the proposals of central demoi-cratic authors, the chapter discusses how the distinction between pouvoir constituant and pouvoir constitué could find a place in the theoretical framework of demoi-cracy. It then proceeds to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the resulting view. While the demoi-cratic model of constituent power is convincing in its claim that the national peoples must not be bypassed in EU constitutional politics, it fails to draw the necessary conclusion from the fact that European integration has brought about politically significant relations between the citizens of Europe—namely, that there is the need to enable the expression of cross-border cleavages.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (12) ◽  
pp. 160
Author(s):  
Saida Khedrane ◽  
Al-Sayed Abdel-Mottaleb Ghanem

The current study aims to measure the level of political trends of University’s youth in Palestine and Algeria. A questionnaire has been used for collecting data about the opinions of a sample of students at Al - Najah National University of Palestine and Kasdi Merbah University of Algeria enrolled in the academic year 2015- 2016. The study has adopted the Statistical Package for the Social Science (SPSS) for the purposes of measurement. It has concluded that the nature of the political trends of the university youth at the Palestinian University tends to the negative level more than the positive one due to the conditions of occupation and political instability in the Palestine arena. On the other hand, the nature of the political trends of the university youth in the Algerian university tends to the positive level more than the negative one. This is due to the state of political stability characterized by the political system in Algeria, as well as the political reforms that have positively affected the nature of the political trends of the university youth since President Abdul Aziz Bouteflika took power in Algeria, down to creating a higher council for youth in the new constitutional amendment of 2016.


2021 ◽  
pp. 118-127
Author(s):  
A. D. Tumanov

The purpose of the article is to implement a systematic analysis of the factors of the formation of a stable system of political governance. To clarify the functions and structure of a stable political system, the characteristics of stability are highlighted, according to which the political system: has signs of legitimacy; is able to cope with the threat of illegitimate violence; supports the constitu-tional system; reproduces a model of behavior based on stability. Methodologically, the article is based on the works of classical and modern scientists (P. M. Khomyakov, M.A. Gaydes, I.B . Rodionov, A. A. Khomiakov). Makarycheva), devoted to the systematic analysis of political systems. The paper also uses morphological analysis, analysis of political efficiency, and in the final part — the method of state-management design. The author comes to the conclusion that the functions and structure of the modern political system should be considered from the point of view of the defini-tions of “political stability”, viewed through the prism of the absence of political threats, adaptive irremovability of political subjects and the balance of political forces. Political stability implies that the distribution of resources in society involves not only the institutional subsystem of the political system, but also the functional, regulatory and ideological subsystems. Morphological analysis demonstrates that a stable political system is characterized by a balanced interaction of subsystems, in which at least the institutional, regulatory and functional subsystems jointly determine the process of functioning and development of the political system. Stability is the basis and guarantee of po-litical development in the modern world, and stability is not contrary to innovative development or development in general. Both stability and development are the basic conditions for the development of a modern political system, methods of avoiding negative adaptation in the global environment. Stability is not synonymous with closeness — on the contrary, it implies horizontal and vertical mobility, a constitutional system, and a focus on maintaining the activity of political actors. At the same time, all these processes cannot be allowed to take their course and develop outside the political control of the vertical structures of power. Integrity as a system-wide property is an integral basis for the stability of the political system.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Abdul Rehman Nawaz ◽  
Usama Anwar ◽  
Fizza Aquil

The economy of Pakistan has been badly damaged by the political instability in the country. Despite its enormous economic resources, Pakistan’s economy remained under dark shadows during most of its historical discourse. The economic indicators describe a significant relationship between politics and the economy of Pakistan. The following study, by reviewing previous studies, concludes that there is a negative relationship between political instability and economic growth in Pakistan from 2000 to 2019. Political instability flourished corruption and reduced the economic growth of the country. Moreover, a weak political system and government institutions could not resist the political tension in the country. The study finally concludes that political instability reduces economic growth in the country and economic growth reinforces political stability in the country.


1980 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Chamie

Although a great deal has been said and written about the religious groups in Lebanon, little reliable factual information exists about them. No doubt this is due to the nature of the Lebanese political system: Since obtaining independence Lebanon has preferred not to conduct a population census, owing to the fear that the results might strain the political formula by which it is governed. The last census of the Lebanese population, conducted in 1932 under the French Mandate, showed a total population of 793,246 with a Christian majority in the ratio of 6 to 5. This has been the basis of the political formula for assigning political and administrative offices for nearly four decades (Salem, 1973, p. 20). The recent events in Lebanon have made it clear that non-observance or denial of religious similarities and differences by no means guarantees political stability. On the contrary, it is the author's belief that the recognition of differences as well as similarities among the religious groups is an essential ingredient to future political stability. The purpose of this paper, then, is to provide a descriptive comparison of the major Lebanese religious groups along various demographic, social, and economic dimensions.


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