scholarly journals A Complex Religion Approach to the Differing Impact of Education on Black and White Religious Group Members’ Political Views

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (9) ◽  
pp. 477
Author(s):  
haley pilgrim ◽  
Wensong Shen ◽  
Melissa Wilde

This paper examines the interaction of education for both Blacks and Whites in all major religious groups on four key political issues: Abortion, gay marriage, feelings toward redistribution, and political party identification. We find that for most Blacks, race is the most salient factor across all four political dimensions; whereas there is significant variation by religion and education for Whites, there is very little difference for Blacks. As previous research has noted, Blacks are generally more conservative on gay marriage and Blacks are generally positive about redistribution, much more so than most Whites regardless of education and religion. We find education is more liberating to Whites than Blacks. The only issue for which education has significant effects for Blacks is abortion, but even in this case, unlike for Whites, there are not large religious differences among Blacks. This study corroborates previous research that abortion and gay marriage are less politically central to Blacks, who at all education levels are more likely to be Democrat than the most Democrat identified Whites.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-162
Author(s):  
Surya Hadi Darma ◽  
Dadang Kahmad ◽  
Afif Muhammad ◽  
Yusuf Wibisono

This research focuses on issues of religious, cultural and political conflicts and the integration of Ulama and Umara in Purwakarta which intersect with the political dimensions ahead of the Regional Head Election. The specific focus is on the evaluation of religion over culture and turns into a strategic issue played by interest groups. This research is a type of field research research using a qualitative dialectical phenomenological approach as the method. The collection of data and information was carried out by means of observation techniques. The findings of this study include the first, the religious and cultural relations in Purwakarta due to the perspective of the FPI, KUI and FUI mass organizations in assessing that the preservation of Sundanese culture in Purwakarta is contrary to Islamic teachings. second, the form of conflict between Ulama and Umara begins with the case of "the flute and the Koran, the making of puppet figures, the Hideung Bodas (Black and White) Festival of the Tumpeng Parade, the Bebegig Parade, to the confrontation of Sampurasun vs campurracun, and is closely related to political issues. and religious doctrine and understanding of Sundanese culture. But then it is processed into a religious issue and utilized by interest groups.Third, efforts to integrate ulama and Umara are carried out by holding a Cultural and Religious Workshop, establishing communication and compromising on the conflicts that occur.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 120-128
Author(s):  
Ondina Pires

One of the figures that stood out the most in the British punk counterculture scene, from 1976 to 1978, was the charismatic vocalist of Sex Pistols, Johnny Rotten, who shouted "Anarchy in the United Kingdom" or "There is no Future". As soon as the musical project devised by the late Malcom McLaren ended in 1978, Johnny Rotten returns to his baptismal name, John Lydon, and starts the experimental musical project Public Image Ltd, better known as PIL.Meanwhile, after about forty-one years of PIL's existence, John Lydon, residing in Los Angeles, USA, in 2020, made public his opinions about former American President Donald Trump, which were a reason for scandal and shock, especially among punk aficionados, most of whom are anti-racists and of left-wing political tendencies.Through this text and the caricatures we can observe a decadent trajectory of a musician who, apparently, is located in the antipodes of 1977. However, this turning point is legitimized by the political and cultural “gaps” of Democracy, a system that is always in danger precisely for its openness to different political views and to the continuous dialogue between ideological forces, often opposed. By using an “anarchy-fascism” dialectic, the author's points of view, based on films, songs and thinkers, evolve throughout her analysis. The aim is to open doors for broader analyzes in relation to democracy that do not contemplate the “black and white” view of the majorities in relation to current politics.


2008 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEPHEN ANSOLABEHERE ◽  
JONATHAN RODDEN ◽  
JAMES M. SNYDER

A venerable supposition of American survey research is that the vast majority of voters have incoherent and unstable preferences about political issues, which in turn have little impact on vote choice. We demonstrate that these findings are manifestations of measurement error associated with individual survey items. First, we show that averaging a large number of survey items on the same broadly defined issue area—for example, government involvement in the economy, or moral issues—eliminates a large amount of measurement error and reveals issue preferences that are well structured and stable. This stability increases steadily as the number of survey items increases and can approach that of party identification. Second, we show that once measurement error has been reduced through the use of multiple measures, issue preferences have much greater explanatory power in models of presidential vote choice, again approaching that of party identification.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Stoddard ◽  
Jason Chen

This article presents results of a study of the impact of political dynamics on group deliberations of issues presented in the short film The Response. We selected four groups of 18-22 year-old participants based on political views, engagement, and efficacy (liberal, conservative, and two mixed groups), and asked them to view and discuss issues presented in The Response related to the combatant status review tribunals held at Guantanamo Bay. We found the groups with mixed political views had higher quality discussions of the issues and a better understanding of the issues post-discussion – in particular the tension between national security versus individual rights and of the nature of the tribunals. We also found a significant number of conservative group members became more conservative in their views as a result of their discussion. We discuss implications for secondary and post-secondary education as well as for political polarization overall in society.


1953 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angus Campbell ◽  
Gerald Gurin ◽  
Warren E. Miller

In March, 1952 the Carnegie Corporation made available to the Social Science Research Council a research grant to support a major study of factors influencing the popular vote in the 1952 presidential election. Under the sponsorship of the Council's Committee on Political Behavior this project is currently being carried out by the Survey Research Center of the University of Michigan.The study was developed around six major objectives:1. To identify the voters and non-voters, Republicans and Democrats, within four major geographical areas, in regard toa. socio-economic characteristics;b. attitudes and opinions on political issues;c. perceptions of the parties and the candidates.2. To compare these groups to the corresponding groups in the 1948 presidential election.3. To trace the resolution of the vote with particular attention to the undecided and changing voters.4. To study the impact of the activities of the major parties on the population.5. To analyze the nature and correlates of political party identification.6. To analyze the nature and correlates of political participation.


First Monday ◽  
2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Bogost

Videogames have dominated popular culture for some time, but only in 2004 did they make a significant break into the world of politics, advocacy, and activism. This paper provides an overview of a variety of types of games used for political speech, from endorsed party messages to activist dissent. After explaining the state of the field, I discuss approaches to design and measure success for such artifacts. While some political opinion is black and white, most issues occupy grey areas, heavily influenced by other public policy issues. Can healthcare reform really be separated from taxation, national budgeting, tort reform, and social security reform? Far from neatly isolated problems, policy issues are complex systems that recombine and interrelate with one another. In particular, I will interrogate how videogames afford a new perspective on political issues, since they are especially effective at representing complex systems. Central to the process of creating and understanding such games is an understanding of “procedural rhetoric” — the way that a videogame embodies ideology in its computational structure. By understanding how games express rhetoric in their rules, we not only gain a critical vantage point on videogame artifacts, but also we can begin to consider how to design games whose primary purpose is to editorialize, teach, and make political statements.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 855-879 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Bell ◽  
Julie Aitken Schermer ◽  
Philip A. Vernon

Abstract.This article provides a behaviour genetic heritability analysis of several political issues, including social and economic conservatism, general interest in politics, attitudes toward the major Canadian federal parties, federal party identification and national vote choice. Substantial genetic effects were found for four of six political attitude scales, with heritability values ranging from 41 per cent to 73 per cent. Genetic effects are also reported for several individual items (including feelings toward the major federal parties, party identification and vote choice), with heritabilities from 33 per cent to 62 per cent. The implications of these results for conventional political analyses are explored. Also presented is a theoretical interpretation of political heritability that is derived from an evolutionary perspective which suggests that political personalities or temperaments have evolved that are analogous to the heritable personality structures proposed by psychologists.Résumé.Cet article propose une analyse sur l'héritabilité de la génétique du comportement concernant plusieurs questions politiques, y compris le conservatisme social et économique, l'intérêt général pour la politique, les attitudes envers les principaux partis fédéraux canadiens, l'identification à un parti et le choix de vote au niveau national. Des effets génétiques notables ont été recensés pour quatre des échelles politiques d'attitude sur six, les taux d'héritabilité s'étendant de 41 pour cent à 73 pour cent. Des effets génétiques ont également été recensés pour plusieurs autres éléments étudiés (y compris les sentiments envers les principaux partis fédéraux, l'identification à un parti et le choix de vote), les taux d'héritabilité allant cette fois-ci de 33 pour cent à 62 pour cent. Cette étude explore l'incidence de ces résultats sur des analyses politiques conventionnelles. Il s'agit aussi d'une interprétation théorique de l'héritabilité politique dérivant d'une perspective évolutionnaire, qui suggère que les personnalités ou les tempéraments politiques ont évolué et que ces derniers sont analogues aux structures de personnalité transmissibles proposées par les psychologues.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolai P. Popov

The report analyzes the public opinion on the main socio-economic and political issues at the end of the fourth year of Boris Yeltsin’s presidential term, on the eve of the Duma elections in December 1995 and the presidential elections in 1996. The poll’s data show the growing discontent of the population with the state of affairs in the country, the economic crisis, their own impoverishment, and the inability of the authorities to solve the country’s main problems. At the same time, a growing number of people lost interest in politics, lost confidence the political and economic reforms will lead to the country’s revival, democratization, and the ability to choose the best people for positions of power. Two thirds of the people said that they have become worse off than at the start of radical reforms ten years ago, while the main responsibility for the plight of the people and the country lies within the current government, which had no idea where the country’s economy was going, and had no program for overcoming the crisis. 75% believed that the government lives by its own interests; they do not care about the people. Market reforms initiated by Boris Yeltsin spurred mass negative assessments: our life before the reforms was better and more prosperous; the people were deceived, they were promised market socialism, and were drawn into the construction of capitalism; reforms were based on robbing the people, only speculators, swindlers, and officials had benefited from them. Regretting the dismantling of socialism, the population had lost belief that the ideas of socialism and communism were able to unite society again. As such an idea, the majority suggested reviving Russia as a powerful state, while calling for following a special, Russian path which implies a “strong hand” in power. The majority believed that the President and the government had already exhausted their opportunities to put an end to the crisis in Russia, and that they should be replaced with new people. The assessment of the President’s performance reached its lowest point during his administration – only 6% expressed their approval and 71% disapproved. The war in Chechnya seriously harmed the President’s popularity. More than 80% expressed negative assessments on the Kremlin’s Chechnya policies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Weidlich

Prejudice against citizens with right-aligned political views in western cosmopolitan cities was explored, and possible interventions proposed. Literature and theories were reviewed, with social psychological and sociological theories compiled that explain the reasons for this prejudice and an intervention to solve this problem. Scientific research in social sciences is dominated by bias from left-aligned researchers in social psychology and psychology. Dysfunctional scientific processes prominent in this area of sciences are due to the sacralization of social science. A significantly small percent of social and personality psychologists identify as politically conservative. A significant amount of errors and distortions were found in sociology textbooks. Media and corporation biases toward left-aligned political views were found, and right-aligned individuals are out-group members in cosmopolitan cities. Inoculation by media assignments and critical literacy education is proposed, that could prevent school students from being influenced by stealth messages and propaganda. Media campaigns targeting the full spectrum of political views is proposed, that could help reduce biases of citizens. A family and community health class is proposed, that could improve student’s psychological, family, and social health. Youth and adult clubs are proposed, that could help reduce animosity between social groups, and promote solidarity and community health.


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