scholarly journals Political Economy of Green Hydrogen Rollout: A Global Perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (23) ◽  
pp. 13464
Author(s):  
Elkhan Richard Sadik-Zada
Keyword(s):  
Review Paper ◽  
Energy Transition ◽  
Global Perspective ◽  
African Union ◽  
Advanced Level ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Natural Gas Pipeline ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

The present paper dwells on the role of green hydrogen in the transition towards climate-neutral economies and reviews the central challenges for its emancipation as an economically viable source of energy. The study shows that countries with a substantial share of renewables in the energy mix, advanced natural gas pipeline infrastructure, and an advanced level of technological and economic development have a comparative advantage for the wider utilization of hydrogen in their national energy systems. The central conclusion of this review paper is that a green hydrogen rollout in the developed and oil-exporting developing and emerging countries is not a risk for the rest of the world in terms of the increasing technological disparities and conservation of underdevelopment and concomitant socio-economic problems of the Global South. The targets anchored in Paris Agreement, but even more in the EU Green Deal and the European Hydrogen Strategy will necessitate a substantial rollout of RESs in developing countries, and especially in the countries of the African Union because of the prioritization of the African continent within the energy cooperation frameworks of the EU Green Deal and the EU Hydrogen Strategy. Hence, the green hydrogen rollout will bridge the energy transition between Europe and Africa on the one hand, and climate and development targets on the other.

The “Polemical” Spirit of European Constitutional Law: On the Importance of Conflicts in EU Law

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 1343-1374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Martinico
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
The Other ◽  
Preliminary Ruling ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
Cautious Approach ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

Recently, scholars have argued of the necessity of going beyond “judicial dialogues” and “conflict-and-power” approaches to the analysis of the role of national Constitutional Courts in the Union. On the one hand, there are risks connected to a “too welcoming an approach by national constitutional courts to EU law”; on the other hand, it is possible to criticize both the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) and some national Constitutional Courts for other, less cooperative, decisions. I share this cautious approach for many reasons, and primarily because the preliminary ruling mechanism does not exhaust all the possible means of communication between constitutional courts and the CJEU. For instance, what Komárek calls “parallel references” can serve, in some circumstances, as a technique of alternative (or hidden) dialogue, that has favored a sort of “remote dialogue” over the years. My sole point of disagreement with this scholarly position is over the role of conflicts in this scenario. Whilst Komárek seems to confine conflicts to phenomena of mere resistance or to “‘cold’ strategic considerations,” in this work I am going to adopt a much broader idea of conflict, which goes beyond mere “conflicts and power games.”

scholarly journals Pozycja i rola Komisji Europejskiej w procedurze ochrony budżetu UE w przypadku uogólnionych braków w zakresie praworządności w państwach członkowskich

2021 ◽  
pp. 145-156
Author(s):  
Karol Piwoński
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

The aim of this article is to analyse the position and role of the European Commission in the procedure provided in the regulation on a general regime of conditionality for the protection of the European Union’s budget. For this purpose the scheme of this procedure was analysed, by interpreting the relevant regulations using the dogmatic method and considering opinions of the EU institutions and views of the scholars. A comparative method has also been applied. The new position of the Commission in the procedure for protection of the EU budget has been compared with the position it plays in the existing instruments. The analysis made from the point of view of the position of individual institutions in the new procedure, although it does not allow predicting how they will be implemented. The conducted analysis demonstrates that the European Commission – an institution of Community character – has gained wide competences, and in applying them it has been given a wide range of discretion. On the one hand, the introduced regulations exemplify a new paradigm in creating mechanisms for protection of the rule of law. On the other hand, they raise doubts as to their compliance with EU law. However, they undoubtedly constitute a decisive step towards increasing the effectiveness of the EU's instruments for the rule of law protection.

Hybrid Regional Order

2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 363-394
Author(s):  
Franklin Obinna
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Peace Operations ◽  
African Union ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Future ◽  
Governance Challenges ◽  
Regional Order ◽  
Peace Enforcement ◽  
The One

The un peace operations have undergone significant revisions to calibrate mission mandates in tandem with emerging threats to international peace and security, especially non-traditional security (nts) threats that stem from governance challenges. These multidimensional missions essentially perform statebuilding interventions (sbis) through capacity-building programmes. The future of these missions depends on negotiated political settlements that facilitate the creation of accountable institutions and inclusive societies. Scholars debate the future of un peace missions, especially as it relates to stabilization operations. On the one hand, are the “narrowers” who believe that peace operations should remain focused on stabilizing state authorities. On the other hand, are the “broadeners” who favor people-focused stabilization operations. This article argues for a broad approach. Focusing on the role of regional organizations under Chapter viii of the un Charter, it argues that successive failures by the African Union to implement its doctrinal instruments, particularly the Post Conflict Reconstruction and Development Policy, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance and the Common African Defence and Security Policy has narrowed its peace interventions in Africa to peace enforcement operations. To be relevant, the African Union needs to focus on the challenges of governance in Africa.

scholarly journals Strengthening the founding values of the EU: The potential role of the Fundamental Rights Agency

European View ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-104
Author(s):  
Konstantinos Margaritis
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Potential Role ◽  
Maastricht Treaty ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Member States ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

The rule of law is one of the founding values of the EU, as indicated in Article 2 TEU. This provision recognises that the rule of law is a core value, inherent to liberal democracy, and one which characterised the Union and its member states long before the formal establishment of the EU by the Maastricht Treaty. However, several member states, most notably Poland and Hungary, seem to have placed this value in jeopardy, leading EU institutions to disagree on how to combat this problem and its political consequences. The aim of this article is to propose a solution that involves a rather neglected, yet certainly competent actor, the Fundamental Rights Agency. The outcome would be twofold: on the one hand, the rule of law would be vitally strengthened; on the other, the role of the Agency would be fortified in line with its scope.

Global Regulations in Content Industries

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Vassiliki Cossiavelou
Keyword(s):  
Privacy Protection ◽  
Performance Indicator ◽  
Key Performance Indicator ◽  
Privacy Policies ◽  
News Industry ◽  
The One ◽  
New Variables ◽  
Potential Exploitation ◽  
The Eu

This article explores the role of privacy policies on internet sites as a newly emerging news gatekeeping factor as well as part of the new web world wars between regulators and internet giants' privacy policies, like the one of Google. All these developments are related to both innovation excellence and customer experience, in every aspect of life, business and entertainment, and therefore of the news industry. One of the most important fights of these recent wars is raging between Google and the EU on the field of customers' experience and their privacy protection. The author argues that even the updated news gatekeeping model by ICTs influences should be mapped more precisely in every one of its traditional pillars, focusing on the consumer's data protection. Their potential exploitation by search engines and advertisement industries from one side and the privacy protection claims from international institutions from the other, indicate the need of new variables in the equation of the updated media gatekeeping model, as derived from global regulations on the issue. The reactions of the EU to the actions of Google indicate the momentum of wars in citizen–customer's experience, which is the most reliable key performance indicator in the e/m commerce sector. A convenience sample's data show that the policy adopted by the EU and the one applied by the global content industries would remap the audiences' preferences and therefore the news industries strategies.

Energy Transition in the European Union and its Member States: Interpreting Federal Competence Allocation in the Light of the Paris Agreement

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Michael Fehling
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Energy Transition ◽  
Paris Agreement ◽  
Majority Voting ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Innovation Research ◽  
Ordinary Legislative Procedure ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Energy transition in the European Union (EU) and its Member States involves questions of federalism, which are subject to various perspectives. The distribution of powers cannot be properly understood using classical legal methodology alone because Articles 192 to 194 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) contain too many ambiguous political compromises. On the one hand, Article 192(1) TFEU (on the environment) and Article 194(1) and (2)(1) TFEU (on energy) enable EU legislation on energy transition through the ordinary legislative procedure, including majority voting in the European Parliament and the Council. On the other hand, there are significant textual limits for EU action in neighbouring provisions with a ‘sovereignty exception’ for the Member States in both Article 192(2) and Article 194(2)(2) TFEU. This article argues that, in the light of the Paris Agreement, the allocation of competences between the EU and its Member States should, in case of doubt, be understood in such a way that effective climate protection becomes possible. Because under Article 191(1) TFEU the EU is to promote measures at the international level to combat climate change, such an international law-friendly interpretation is part of a legitimate teleological approach. Economic theories of federalism and innovation research in the social sciences help us to understand which aspects of economic or innovation theory can promote effectiveness in this respect. It is necessary to interpret the distribution of competences in a dynamic way, thereby slightly shifting the limits of interpretation.

Core–Periphery Relations in the European Union and the Role of Central Places in Europe with a Focus on Regional Policy in Britain and Germany

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-447 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bennett C. Thomas
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Regional Development ◽  
Regional Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The North ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The One ◽  
Depressed Regions ◽  
The Eu

Core–periphery analysis is vital to an understanding of the European Union (EU) and regional development. The European Economic Community (EEC), which would eventually become the EU, was formed in 1957 in order to promote progressive economic integration. Recognizing that there were depressed regions within both peripheral and core nation-states, the EC adopted a programme with the goal of bringing those regions into convergence. Its programme is essentially a liberal centre–periphery model similar to the one proposed by Friedman. Many of the nation-states within the EC also have their own regional policies and programmes regarding intervention within their own spatial boundaries. To present an approach for comparison this article will focus on two examples of regional policy: Britain's attitude toward regional development in the North and the German programme for integrating East Germany.

scholarly journals The role of gases in the European energy transition

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 390-405
Author(s):  
Jonathan Stern
Keyword(s):  
Natural Gas ◽  
Carbon Capture ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Carbon Capture And Storage ◽  
Energy Transition ◽  
Regulatory Frameworks ◽  
Gas Market ◽  
Power To Gas ◽  
The Eu

The role of gases in the energy transition is a different, and much more immediate, issue in the EU, compared with other global regions. Net zero targets for 2050 mean that in order to retain the gas market and the extensive network infrastructure which has been developed, zero carbon gases will need to be developed, and natural gas (methane) will need to be decarbonized. Maximum availability of biomethane and hydrogen from power to gas is estimated at 100–150 billion cubic meters by 2050 (or around 25–30% of gas demand in the late 2010s. Therefore, large scale hydrogen production from reforming methane with carbon capture and storage (CCS), or pyrolysis, will be needed to maintain anything close to current demand levels. Costs of biomethane and hydrogen options are several times higher than prices of natural gas in 2019–2020. Significant financial support for decarbonization technologies — from governments and regulators — will therefore be needed in the 2020s, if they are to be available on a large scale in the 2030s and 2040s. If the EU gas community fails to advance convincing decarbonized narratives backed by investments which allow for commercialization of renewable gas and methane decarbonization technologies; and/or governments fail to create the necessary legal/fiscal and regulatory frameworks to support these technologies, then energy markets will progressively move away from gases and towards electrification.

scholarly journals Should Turkey be Admitted into the European Union? The Debate

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Current Debate ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Past ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
European Citizenship ◽  
The One ◽  
Integration Project ◽  
The Eu

CESAA 17TH ANNUAL EUROPE ESSAY COMPETITION 2009 - Honours winner: Sophie Di Francesco-Mayot, Monash UniversityOver the past decades, the European Union has witnessed an increasing apathy among European citizens’ vis-à-vis EU institutions. In 1993, EU elites formally introduced the idea of a ‘European citizenship’ in an attempt on the one hand, to reactivate the European integration project, and, on the other hand, to foster greater consciousness of the European identity which the EU is supposed to represent. What opportunities and challenges would Turkey’s accession to EU membership have on our idea of ‘European citizenship’ and ‘identity’? An analysis on the current debate regarding Turkey’s possible accession in the EU raises significant questions on the EU’s identity and on the role of the EU in the international community.

scholarly journals The Role of the UN Peacemaking Operations in the Foreign Policy of Denmark in the 1990s: from an Exemplary Peacemaker to an Ardent Atlanticist

2021 ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
N. Belukhin
Keyword(s):  
Status Seeking ◽  
The Usa ◽  
International Activism ◽  
Peace Enforcement ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
International Status ◽  
The Eu

Under the Cold War Denmark successfully employed the UN peacemaking operations to increase its own international status and strengthen relations with the key Western allies. The Nordic model of peacemaking was later considered as an example to be followed by other European states in the 1990s. As the role of the UN gradually declined during the 1990s and the UN peacemaking operations led to major failures, most notably the Srebrenica massacre and the Rwandan genocide, NATO, as well as the EU, started expanding their own activities in the sphere of peacemaking and peace enforcement. As a consequence, Denmark stopped considering the UN peacemaking as the main framework for international activism and started getting increasingly engaged in coalition operations and NATO operations as a means to win the favor of the key ally — the USA. Another factor that significantly contributed to Denmark’s growing atlanticism was the so-called "defense clause" which prevented Denmark from participating in the military dimension of the emerging CFSP within the EU and later CSDP. The Danish international activism acquired therefore a tangible military element which on the one hand enabled Denmark to punch above its weight, but at the same time became contradictory to the very ideas and goals which made international activism attractive for the Danish public in the first place. The initial value- and identity-driven UN peacemaking eventually became reduced to a means of accomplishing limited goals of status-seeking and ensuring the country’s place as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. It is thus becoming increasingly difficult for Denmark to reconcile the adherence to humanitarian diplomacy and Nordic "Peace Brand" with aggressive military activism.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document