Sergei Prokofiev. Relatives

10.34690/147 ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 28-37
Author(s):  
Наталия Савкина
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Sergei Prokofiev ◽  
Close Relatives ◽  
Artistic Values ◽  
Finance Department ◽  
Personal Strategy ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Bolshoi Theater ◽  
The Revolution

Обнародованные несколько лет тому назад сведения об арестах близких родственников Прокофьева и о полученных ими тюремных сроках открыли много нового в биографии и личности композитора. Так, стало очевидно, что он был прекрасно осведомлен о массовых репрессиях и жестокой политической цензуре в СССР, когда принимал решение вернуться на родину. Композитор должен был разработать особые авторские стратегии, маневрировать между факторами художественными и требованиями конъюнктуры. Представленные в статье письма шире знакомят с родными композитора; так, они проливают свет на жизнь в первые годы революции семьи Катениных, выводят на сцену действия одну из родственниц Прокофьевых, жившую в Германии, - Марию Рейн. В ряду самых пронзительных документов прокофьевского эпистолярия - письмо тетушки, Екатерины Григорьевны Раевской, которая сообщает об аресте дочери. Обогащают прокофьевское подполье записки композитора из Франции в финансовый отдел Большого театра и ГАТОБ (ныне Мариинский театр) с напоминаниями о необходимости отправить деньги его родственникам в СССР. Композитор в течение многих лет материально поддерживал три семьи своих репрессированных или попавших в жестокую нужду родных. Публикуемая здесь записка - только одна из очень большого количества таких напоминаний. The information about the arrests and jail sentences of Prokofiev's close relatives has been promulgated some years ago, and it revealed many new things about the composer's biography and personality. That is, it became clear, that he was fully aware of mass repressions and harsh political censorship in the USSR at the time he was deciding to return to the motherland. The composer had to shape his own personal strategy to maneuver between artistic values and the circumstances demand. The letters presented in the article introduce in greater detail the composer's relatives. So, they shed light upon the life of the Katenins family during the Revolution first years; they bring into view one relative living in Germany-Maria Rein. One of the most vibrant items of Prokofiev's correspondence is the letter from his aunt, Ekaterina Grigorievna Raevsky, who reported about her daughter being arrested. Prokofiev's quiet correspondence is enriched by his notes from France to the Bolshoi Theater finance department and to the State Academic Theatre of Opera and Ballet (St. Petersburg), reminding them to send money to his relatives in the USSR. For many years Prokofiev supported three families of relatives, who were purged or in need. The note published here is just one of many such reminders.

Парламент или Советы: российский выбор 1918 года

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-99
Author(s):  
Игорь А. Исаев
Keyword(s):  
Legal History ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
The State ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Political Form ◽  
The Revolution

The article deals with one of the most important issues in the Soviet political and legal history. The choice of the political form that was established almost immediately after the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Revolution of 1917, meant a change in the direction of development of the state. Councils became an alternative to the parliamentary republic. The article analyzes the basic principles of both political systems and the reasons for such a choice. The author emphasizes transnational political direction of the so-called “direct action” which took place not only in Russia, but also in several European countries.

The Baluch, Sunnism and the State in Iran

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stéphane A. Dudoignon
Keyword(s):  
South Asia ◽  
South Asian ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The State ◽  
First Century ◽  
Local Democracy ◽  
Oasis Area ◽  
Shed Light

Since 2002, Sunni jihadi groups have been active in Iranian Baluchistan without managing to plunge the region into chaos. This book suggests that a reason for this, besides Tehran’s military responses, has been the quality of Khomeini and Khamenei’s relationship with a network of South-Asia-educated Sunni ulama (mawlawis) originating from the Sarbaz oasis area, in the south of Baluchistan. Educated in the religiously reformist, socially conservative South Asian Deoband School, which puts the madrasa at the centre of social life, the Sarbazi ulama had taken advantage, in Iranian territory, of the eclipse of Baluch tribal might under the Pahlavi monarchy (1925-79). They emerged then as a bulwark against Soviet influence and progressive ideologies, before rallying to Khomeini in 1979. Since the turn of the twenty-first century, they have been playing the role of a rampart against Salafi propaganda and Saudi intrigues. The book shows that, through their alliance with an Iranian Kurdish-born Muslim-Brother movement and through the promotion of a distinct ‘Sunni vote’, they have since the early 2000s contributed towards – and benefitted from – the defence by the Reformist presidents Khatami (1997-2005) and Ruhani (since 2013) of local democracy and of the minorities’ rights. They endeavoured to help, at the same time, preventing the propagation of jihadism and Sunni radicalisation to Iran – at least until the ISIS/Daesh-claimed attacks of June 2017, in Tehran, shed light on the limits of the Islamic Republic’s strategy of reliance on Deobandi ulama and Muslim-Brother preachers in the country’s Sunni-peopled peripheries.

Mobilized Yet Contained: Popular Women, Feminisms, and Organizing around Venezuela’s 2012 Organic Labor Law

2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110130
Author(s):  
Rachel Elfenbein
Keyword(s):  
Division Of Labor ◽  
Labor Law ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Gendered Division Of Labor ◽  
Women's Organizing ◽  
State Adoption ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
The Revolution

Venezuela’s state-led national-popular Bolivarian process opened up a new political field for feminism—an approach that was both institutional and popular, aiming to combine forces from above and from below and use state gender institutions to foment popular women’s organization. Yet this field was conflictual, containing contesting popular feminist projects with different implications for the gendered division of labor. Analysis of popular women’s organizing around Venezuela’s 2012 organic labor law shows that state adoption of feminism marked a gendered political opening for popularizing feminism while also presenting risks of state co-optation of popular women’s organizing. The state understood popular women’s organization and mobilization as central to the revolution, yet it generally attempted to limit their autonomy and organizing to challenge the gendered division of labor. El bolivarianismo nacional-popular liderado por el estado venezolano abrió un nuevo campo político para el feminismo: un enfoque que era tanto institucional como popular y cuyo objetivo era combinar fuerzas tanto de arriba como de abajo, así como utilizar las instituciones estatales de género para fomentar las organizaciones populares de mujeres. Sin embargo, este campo resultó conflictivo, y parte de su contenido impugnaba proyectos feministas populares con diferentes implicaciones para las divisiones de género en el trabajo. El análisis de la organización popular de las mujeres en torno a la ley orgánica del trabajo de Venezuela de 2012 muestra que la adopción estatal del feminismo marcó una apertura política de género con intenciones de popularizar el feminismo a la vez que presentaba el riesgo de que la organización popular de las mujeres fuera cooptada por el estado. El estado consideraba la organización y movilización popular de las mujeres como esenciales a la revolución. Sin embargo y hablando generalmente, se abocó a limitar su autonomía y organización cuando se trataba de desafiar las divisiones de género en el trabajo.

Rag Doll Nations and the Politics of Differentiation on Arbitrary Borders: Karelia and Moldova*

2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The State ◽  
Ethnic Community ◽  
National Identities ◽  
The Other ◽  
Interesting Aspect ◽  
Territorial Boundaries ◽  
Shed Light

“Tell a man today to go and build a state,” Samuel Finer once stated, “and he will try to establish a definite and defensible boundary and compel those who live inside it to obey him.” While at best an oversimplification, Finer's insight illuminates an interesting aspect of state-society relations. Who is it that builds the state? How and where do they establish territorial boundaries, and how are those who live within that territory compelled to obey? Generally speaking, these are the questions that will be addressed here. Of more immediate concern is the fate of peoples located in regions where arbitrary land boundaries fall. Are they made loyal to the state through coercion or by their own compulsions? More importantly, how are their identities shaped by the efforts of the state to differentiate them from their compatriots on the other side of the borders? How is the shift from ethnic to national identities undertaken? A parallel elaboration of the national histories of the populations of Karelia and Moldova will shed light on these questions. The histories of each group are marked by a myriad of attempts to differentiate the identity of each ethnic community from their compatriots beyond the state's borders. The results of such overt, state-initiated efforts to differentiate borderland populations by encouraging a national identity at the expense of the ethnic, has ranged from the mundane to the tragic—from uneventful assimilation to persecution and even genocide. As an illustration of the range of possibilities and processes, I maintain that the tragedies of Karelia and Moldova are not exceptional, but rather are a consequence of their geographical straddling of arbitrary borders, and the need for the state to promote a distinctive national identity for these populations to differentiate them socially from their compatriots beyond the frontier.

Soviet Specialist Baiting: The Case of N. A. Dobrosmyslov

2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Professional Competence ◽  
The State ◽  
Archival Research ◽  
High Salary ◽  
Soviet State ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Government ◽  
Continued Employment ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractFor many communists working in the Soviet state apparatus during the 1920s, the state's continued employment of so-called “bourgeois specialists” (spetsy) was an ideological affront and an obstacle to proletarian advancement. In their eyes, until the spetsy were removed and workers staffed the institutions of the state, the revolution would be neither secure nor its promises fulfilled. Based on archival research, this article traces rank-and-file communists' attempts to remove one such specialist, N. A. Dobrosmyslov, from his position in the Tax Department (Gosnalog) of the People's Commissariat of Finances (Narkomfin). Dobrosmyslov had been a long-time official in the tsarist tax bureaucracy and had also worked for the Provisional Government in 1917. Communist opposition to him took the form of a denunciation campaign that focused on his alleged anti-Sovietism, his professional competence, his arrogant manner, his high salary, and his attempt to obtain a large pension from the government. The documents related to the case reveal the atmosphere of suspicion and often open hostility that surrounded the spetsy. They provide evidence of the contrasting evaluations of the spetsy made by leading communist administrators and by the lower-level communists who worked closely with them. They also show how important the issue of material compensation was for this latter group. Finally, the case provides an example of how biography could be interpreted and manipulated to serve particular ends, especially in the context of political and personal denunciation.

The Classical naval installations in the Piraeus

2014 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 50-54
Author(s):  
Chryssanthi Papadopoulou
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
Archaeological Investigation ◽  
Modern Greek ◽  
City State ◽  
The City ◽  
Shed Light

In his recent book The Ancient Harbours of the Piraeus I.1, Bjorn Lovén notes that archaeological investigation of the Classical naval installations in the Piraeus goes back almost as far as the discipline of archaeology in the modern Greek state (Lovén 2011: 15). This enduring archaeological interest in the Piraeus installations is not some ungrounded fascination, but rests on the importance of these facilities not only for the Piraeus, but for the whole of Classical Athens. The commission of these installations was an integral part of a Classical building programme that saw the construction of triremes and the fortification of the Piraeus peninsula. As Vincent Gabrielsen (2007: 256–57) has shown, the building of warships is not necessarily synonymous with the construction of a navy. The latter implies the centralization of war reserves by the city-state and the provision of infrastructure (naval facilities and walls to protect both these facilities and the ships stationed in them), and it would be essential for the state to maintain and operate these resources. Investigations of the Piraeus shipsheds therefore shed light not only on the size of Athenian triremes, but also on the overall planning and works undertaken by the Athenian state in Classical times, in order to command and sustain a large navy.

Le armi dotte e la Rivoluzione francese: riformismo, elitismo e meritocrazia

2012 ◽  
pp. 41-63
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Cuccoli
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Public Services ◽  
The State ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
State Corporation ◽  
The Creation ◽  
École Polytechnique ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

The article focuses on the evolution of the military technical corps in France between the mid-Eighteenth century and the Restoration, and proposes for them the notion of "State corporation". This phase - an intermediate one between the corps de métier and the corps d'État - was attained first by the engineers and the artillery. These corps selected their officers by competitive examination, which functioned both as an intellectual filter and a social one. The distinction generated by this filter - nurtured by an elitist approach based on meritocracy was not overridden by the Revolution. On the contrary, it was further consecrated by the creation of the École polytechnique, which soon became controlled by the military technical corps. The "State corporation" model was then extended through the École polytechnique to the geographical engineers and the civil public services. The institutional conflicts among the technical corps during the National Constituent Assembly and those between them and the École polytechnique (1794-1799) are analyzed along these interpretative lines. While the former show their corporative resistance of geographical engineers in the name of equality, the latter bring out their corporative resistance to external education of candidates.

G.I. Rossolimo. Art, sore nerves and upbringing (about "Decadence")

1901 ◽  
Vol IX (3) ◽  
pp. 153-157
Author(s):  
B. Obraztsov
Keyword(s):  
Progressive Increase ◽  
The State ◽  
Mental Illnesses ◽  
State Of Health ◽  
Artistic Creativity ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Shed Light

The author asks the question of finding out what the relationship is between modern artistic creativity and the phenomenon of progressive increase in our nerves and mental illnesses. shed light on the state of health of the artist, being, so to speak, artistic symptoms of his illness.

A true study of a benevolent state. S.N. Baburin. Moral State. Russian view on the values of constitutionalism

2021 ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Orlin Zagorov
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Traditional Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
Internal Quality ◽  
Orthodox Christianity ◽  
Solid Foundation ◽  
The Revolution

This article is the author's reflections on the problems of humanism, morality, and traditional culture in connection with the concept of a Moral State put forward by Professor S.N. Baburin. The role of the spirituality of the Slavic peoples and their contribution to the strengthening of European cultural identity is considered. The author argues the importance of the conclusion that the virtue of the state as its internal quality in itself turns the state into a guarantor of virtue as a universal value and the validity of the thesis that the values of both Orthodox Christianity and Slavic spirituality represent a solid foundation of a Moral State. The author sees in the Moral State a mechanism for the harmonious combination of the spirit of the revolution with the revolution of the spirit.

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