scholarly journals Política social y autogobierno en el núcleo de la conspiración carlista antirrepublicana

2020 ◽  
pp. 133-164
Author(s):  
Manuel Martorell

RESUMEN El presente trabajo busca mejorar el conocimiento sobre la forma de pensar de quienes impulsaron en Navarra la organización del Requeté, la fuerza armada con la que el carlismo participó en la Guerra Civil de 1936. Para ello se realiza una detallada lectura del semanario a.e.t., que, durante el primer semestre de 1934, fue su órgano de expresión política. Tras su lectura, se puede concluir que, entre sus motivaciones, estaban, principalmente, la defensa de la religión, pero también la política social de la Iglesia para resolver la grave crisis social de España y hacer frente a una amenaza revolucionaria, además de exigir la «reintegración foral plena» para las distintas regiones españolas. LABURPENA Lan honek, Nafarroan Requeté erakundea bultzatu zuten pertsonen pentsamendu moduari buruzko ezagutza hobetzea du helburu, karlismoak 1936ko Gerra Zibilean parte hartzeko erabili zuen indar armatua. Horretarako, a.e.t. astekariaren irakurketa zehatza burutzen da, zeinak 1934ko lehengo seihilekoan, haien adierazpen politikoaren organo zentrala izan zen. Bere irakurketaren ondoren, ondoriozta daiteke, haien motibazio printzipalen artean, erlijioaren defentsa, Elizak Espainako krisi sozial larriari aurre egiteko gizarte politika burutzea eta mehatxu iraultzaileari erantzun bat bilatzea zeudela, Espainako eskualdeen foru berreskuratzea exijitzeaz gain. ABSTRACT The present work seeks to improve the knowledge about the way of thinking of those who promoted the organization of Requeté in Navarra, the armed force with which Carlism participated in the Civil War of 1936. For this, a detailed reading of the weekly a.e.t. is carried out, which, during the first semester of 1934, was its organ of political expression. After its reading, it can be concluded that, among its motivations, there were, mainly, the defense of religion but also the social policy of the Church to solve the serious social crisis of Spain and to face a revolutionary threat, in addition to demanding the «Full foral reintegration» for the different Spanish regions.

Author(s):  
Pau Palop-García

Abstract This chapter outlines the social protection policies that Spain has adopted to target Spanish nationals abroad. First, it describes the diaspora infrastructure and the key engagement policies developed in the last years by Spain. Subsequently, the chapter focuses on five social protection policies: unemployment, health care, pensions, family-related benefits, and economic hardship. The findings reveal that Spain has adopted a diaspora strategy that targets different emigrant groups such as exiles of the Civil War and early Francoism and their descendants, Spaniards that emigrated to other European countries during the 1950s and 1960s, and new emigrants that left the country due to the consequences of the financial crisis of 2008. Findings also show that, although Spain has developed a wide array of services to target its diverse diaspora, it still lacks a comprehensive scheme of social protection abroad. Moreover, the results suggest that Spain has adopted a subsidiary social policy strategy abroad that is triggered when the social protection offered by states of reception is lacking.


1997 ◽  
Vol 69 (9) ◽  
pp. 343-353
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Fatić

This paper deals with specific aspects of the crisis of social policy on the "central"-eastem European region, after the onset of political changes that commenced in 1989 with the so-called ..anti-communist revolutions", especially in "central" European countries. The period that began then has been characterised by fast political "transition" and restructuralisation of the economy and political institutions. It has brought with it the excitements of the "capitalisation" of the economy and society, greater individual liberties and rights. However, it has also inflicted on the region a social crisis of apocalyptic dimensions, which is truly unprecedent in this century's history of eastern Europe. The paper explores some particular elements of this social crisis, both statistically and qualitatively. These aspects of the crisis are interpreted, and in its concluding section the paper purports to suggest that any institutional and political change tends to have its more or less devastating social price, which in the case of most countries of "central"-eastern Europe could be have been lower if the reform had progressed at a more moderate and better planned pace.


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
KATHERINE E. SMITH ◽  
ELLEN STEWART

AbstractOf all the social sciences, social policy is one of the most obviously policy-orientated. One might, therefore, expect a research and funding agenda which prioritises and rewards policy relevance to garner an enthusiastic response among social policy scholars. Yet, the social policy response to the way in which major funders and the Research Excellence Framework (REF) are now prioritising ‘impact’ has been remarkably muted. Elsewhere in the social sciences, ‘research impact’ is being widely debated and a wealth of concerns about the way in which this agenda is being pursued are being articulated. Here, we argue there is an urgent need for social policy academics to join this debate. First, we employ interviews with academics involved in health inequalities research, undertaken between 2004 and 2015, to explore perceptions, and experiences, of the ‘impact agenda’ (an analysis which is informed by a review of guidelines for assessing ‘impact’ and relevant academic literature). Next, we analyse high- and low-scoring REF2014 impact case studies to assess whether these concerns appear justified. We conclude by outlining how social policy expertise might usefully contribute to efforts to encourage, measure and reward research ‘impact’.


2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 99-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Blackburn

AbstractKarl Marx and Abraham Lincoln held very different views on the ‘social question’. This essay explores the way in which they converged in their estimation of slavery during the course of the Civil War; Marx was an ardent abolitionist, and Lincoln came to see this position as necessary. It is argued that the rôle of runaway slaves – called ‘contraband’ – and German-revolutionary ’48ers played a significant rôle in the radicalisation of Lincoln and the direction of the War.


Author(s):  
Vincenza Cinzia Capristo

The present essay, beginning with Catholic press and various authors known in the sector of Missiology, underlines a connection between Song Meiling and Mission in general, particularly the Catholic ones. This work aims at adding a further piece to complete the already well-known Song Meiling’s career, after her marriage to Chiang Kai-shek. Further on, it will be clearly underlined the way she managed to established relationships with representatives of Missions, both Catholic and Protestant, thanks to the reform movement “New Life”, which brought Chinese people closer to Christian values. All this was possible by starting from the family dimension, thus enhancing the link between civil and religious society. Song Meiling’s strong point was the way she promoted social inclusion of the religious confessions, especially of the Catholic Missions, through solidarity initiatives, considering the religious community on the same level as the social community. This was a factor of potential development for the Church in China.


Author(s):  
MARTYSHYN D.,

У статті подано виклад сучасних теоретичних засад соціальноїполітики українських православних церков і практичної діяльностірелігійних громад в умовах процесів глобалізації. Показано взаємозв’язоксоціального вчення церкви з державним управлінням, політологією,філософією та соціологією. Осмислено актуальні проблеми в реалізаціїсоціального служіння церков та можливі шляхи модернізації соціальноїполітики церкви. Автор вважає, що соціальна сфера не лише суспільства,але й церковного буття являє собою складну й динамічну парадигмудуховного й соціального розвитку сучасного світу. Вонахарактеризується низкою різнобічних параметрів, які окреслюютьпарадигми життєдіяльності людства. Оскільки особисте життя,професійна діяльність і місія християнина відбуваються у життідержави, то й будь-які зміни у ній приводять до змін у становищіокремої людини, і навпаки. Соціальна політика церкви є одним з головнихнапрямів місії церкви у сучасному світі і має відповідати теологічнійдумці християнства. Ігнорування релігійними громадами питаннясоціальної політики може призвести до втрати конструктивного йпозитивного впливу релігії на життя суспільства. The article describes the modern theoretical foundations of social policy ofUkrainian Orthodox Churches and the practical activities of religiouscommunities in the conditions of globalization processes. The interrelation ofthe social doctrine of the Church with public administration, political science,philosophy and sociology is shown. The actual problems in implementing thesocial service of Churches and possible ways of modernizing the social policyof the Church are comprehensively understood. The author believes that thesocial sphere not only of society, but also of Church life is a complex anddynamic paradigm of spiritual and social development of the modern world. Itis characterized by a variety of versatile parameters that outline the paradigmsof human life. Since the personal life, professional activity and mission of aChristian occur in the life of the state, then any changes in it lead to changes inthe situation of the individual and vice versa. The social policy of the Church isone of the main directions of the mission of the Church in the modern worldand should correspond to the theological thought of Christianity. Ignoring byreligious communities the issue of social policy can lead to the loss of theconstructive and positive influence of religion on society


Author(s):  
Wessel Bentley

The article describes briefly Karl Barth’s views on church, its role in politics and how it relates to culture. This is done by identifying the way in which the church participates in the social realm through its relationship with the State. The historic religious question asks whether there is a natural mutual-determining relationship between church and State. The church may ask whether faith and politics should mix, while a secular state may question the authority which the church claims to speak from. To a large extent culture determ-ines the bias in this relationship. History has shown that church-State dynamics is not an either/or relationship, whereby either the authority of the church or the authority of the State should function as the ruling norm. Karl Barth describes the dynamics of this relationship very well, within the context of culture, in the way his faith engages with the political status quo. Once the relationship is better understood, Barth’s definition of the church will prove to be more effective in its evangelical voice, speaking to those who guide its citizens through political power. “Fürchtet Gott, ehret den König!” (1 Pt 2:17)


2017 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 340-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
JESSE ZINK

The experience of young male Dinka refugees during Sudan's second civil war (1983–2005) illustrates the connections between religious change, violence and displacement. Many of the ‘unaccompanied minors’ who fled to camps in Ethiopia and then Kenya moved decisively towards Christianity in the years during which they were displaced. Key variables were the connection between education and Christianity, the need for new structures of community, and the way in which the Church offered a way to make sense of the destruction of civil war. As the war ended, many former refugees returned to their home regions as Christian evangelists, leading to further religious change. Their case parallels other mass conversion movements in African Christian history but takes place in a post-colonial context of civil war.


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