scholarly journals Struggles and Dilemmas of Uyghur Immigrants in Turkey

Poligrafi ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 201-234
Author(s):  
Mettursun Beydulla
Keyword(s):  
Low Socioeconomic Status ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Significant Proportion ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Life Styles ◽  
Policy And Strategy ◽  
Chinese Policy ◽  
Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region

The social and economic integration of the Uyghurs into Turkish society reflects a problem to which policy makers have not yet found a response. Marginalized by the larger society and separated by linguistic differences and cultural and social life-styles, a significant proportion of Uyghurs, especially “newcomers” who have arrived since the 1980s, is in danger of becoming part of a “parallel society.” This is reinforced by exclusion, inferiorization and “otherness,” restricted educational achievements, uncertain citizenship, legal status limbo and low socioeconomic status. Pro-Uyghur, pro-independence and anti-Chinese government mobilization in Turkey has attracted the attention of Chinese authorities for a long time, and this attention has in turn affected and shaped mobilization in Turkey. The Turkey-China relationship is involved as well. The main goals of Chinese policy and strategy in Turkey are the security of “Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region” (a.k.a. East Turkistan), access to natural resources, security of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and economic and technological investment. It means that China believes it must consolidate its control of “Xinjiang” (East Turkistan) and restrain the Uyghur independence movement in Turkey. China’s economic and technological power and investments in Turkey are not just increasing its influence; they are making Turkey far more reticent to speak out about Beijing’s abuses, systematic oppression and atrocities in the “Xinjiang” (East Turkistan). China’s geo-economic strategy has resulted in political influence in Turkey that profoundly affects its Uyghur population.

scholarly journals Constraints on innovation in English language teaching in hinterland regions of China

2020 ◽  
pp. 136216882097985
Author(s):  
Neil Murray ◽  
Antony J. Liddicoat ◽  
Gavin Zhen ◽  
Penny Mosavian
Keyword(s):  
Language Proficiency ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
English Language ◽  
Time Pressure ◽  
Language Teaching ◽  
Eastern China ◽  
Language Education ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
English Language Teaching ◽  
Chinese Government

Since the start of the twenty-first century, English has come to be seen by the Chinese government as a linchpin of its continued economic and political influence. Its resultant efforts to promote innovation in English language teaching align with the aspirations of a population, many of whom regard competency in English as a determiner of opportunity and success in their careers, and thus a vehicle through which to provide a good quality of life for themselves and their families. However, despite government-driven initiatives to improve English language education, change has been slow to materialize, especially outside of the main urban areas of Eastern China. Here, we report on a study that sought to explore the constraints governing attempts by teachers of English to innovate in universities located in some of the so-called ‘hinterland’ regions of Southwestern China. Key determinants that emerged, and which we discuss, included time pressure and competing priorities; scepticism towards new ideas; lack of investment in resources; the primacy of the textbook; students’ language proficiency; and opportunities for professional development. Together, these findings indicate the need for a change of culture if innovation is to be welcomed, both in principle and in practice, as a driver of positive change in the teaching of English in these universities. Teachers, their line managers, and university senior managers need to feel willing and able to engage freely in constructive and informed discourse, and in doing so consider recalibrating institutional priorities, thereby helping reconcile the pressures and tensions currently experienced by English language teachers and which impede progress.

Regulatory potential of legal culture and legal awareness of modern Ukrainian society

2020 ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Roman Zvarych ◽  
Tetyana Polishchuk
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Social Activity ◽  
Legal Culture ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
Human Potential ◽  
Legal Consciousness ◽  
Moral Norms ◽  
Regulatory Potential ◽  
Ukrainian Society

Goal. The purpose of the work is a comprehensive analysis of the main problems of the regulatory potential of legal culture and legal awareness of the individual and its implementation in modern Ukrainian society. Method. The study used a set of theoretical methods of scientific knowledge, in particular: the method of scientific analysis; system-structural; historical and legal; axiological; comparative law; formal-legal and method of generalization. Results. In the course of the research it was proved that the modern philosophy of realization of regulatory potential of legal culture and legal consciousness should consist in strengthening of humanizing character of regulatory influence, be directed not on authoritarian authoritarian, imperative attribution, authorizing, binding types of legal regulations that authoritatively guide the actions, behavior of people and are seen as omnipotent universal mechanisms for solving problems of social life, and to create conditions for the realization of freedom, human potential, its legal status, social activity, creativity and initiative , which, of course, must be implemented on the basis of social, legal and moral norms enshrined in society. Scientific novelty. According to the results of the study, the new conceptual foundations of the regulatory potential of legal culture and legal awareness should be aimed at creating conditions for identifying deep dimensions of the inner world of man, his individual legal worldview, which allows him to become the creator of social and legal reality. Practical significance. The results of the research can be useful in the process of forming a general theoretical concept of the regulatory potential of legal culture and legal consciousness of modern Ukrainian society.

The Impact of Environmental Pollution on Ethnic Unrest in Xinjiang: A Uyghur Perspective

Modern China ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 504-536 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nimrod Baranovitch
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Degradation ◽  
Large Body ◽  
Han Chinese ◽  
Ethnic Violence ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
Mass Migration ◽  
Ethnic Tension ◽  
Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region ◽  
The Impact

Since the early 1990s, the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region has been one of the most restive areas in China, and in recent years, following the July 2009 Urumchi riots, it has experienced frequent incidents of severe ethnic violence. A large body of scholarship has attempted to explain the sources of Uyghur discontent and pointed to various factors, including cultural and religious repression, unemployment, discrimination, and the mass migration of Han Chinese settlers into the region. This article proposes that environmental degradation, a factor that so far has received little attention in the research that focuses on ethnic tension in Xinjiang, is another important contributing factor. Focusing on air and water pollution in Xinjiang, but also addressing other types of environmental degradation, the article examines the attitudes of Uyghurs toward the phenomenon and shows how their perceptions have affected and been affected by their tense relationship with the Chinese government and the Han Chinese settlers in the region.

scholarly journals Legal policy of the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China in the area of digitalization of national currency

2021 ◽  
pp. 16-26
Author(s):  
Anna Sergeevna Konopiy ◽  
Boris Andreevich Borisov
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Banking Sector ◽  
National Currency ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Digital Currency ◽  
The Russian Federation

The subject of this research is digital national currencies of the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation. The advent of the new digital era entails inevitable, objectively dictated digital transformations of all spheres of social life. The financial and banking sector in Russia, China, and other countries, is in need for legislative-digital regulation by implementing digital fiat currency. One of the most promising vectors of development is the creation and introduction of new forms of currencies into circulation, which would be recognized by public authority as a legal means of payment, as well as subject to effective oversight by government bodies. The novelty of this research lies in the comparative legal analysis of the experience, as well as the stages of implementation of digital national currency in the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China. The article raised a pressing issue on feasibility of introducing digital ruble into the Russian reality, and thus, discusses successful experience of the Chinese government that a millennium ago was first to invent paper currency, and now is one of the world leaders to introduce digital currency alongside cash money. The concept of “digital currency” is often identified with cryptocurrencies and payment systems, which prompted the authors to conduct a comparative analysis of these terms. The analysis of Russian and Chinese legislation in the area of digital currency, as well as the established practice of implementing a new monetary form into the country’s economy, allowed outlining the pros and cons of such innovation.

New Stage in the Geopolitical Struggle around the Caspian Sea after 1991

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Stanislav Aleksandrovich Pritchin
Keyword(s):  
Caspian Sea ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Water Area ◽  
The Caspian Sea ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Complete Work ◽  
Strategic Goals ◽  
The Military

For almost three centuries, starting with the campaign of Peter the Great in 1721-1722, Russia has traditionally played a key role in the Caspian Sea. The situation changed dramatically with the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the emergence of three new regional players-Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. For Russia, this meant a significant reduction in influence in the region and the loss of control over most of the water area and the sea and its resources. In the historiography devoted to the region, the emphasis is placed on assessing the new round of geopolitical struggle, the position and interests of Western and regional powers. The author of this article provides a critical analysis of changes in Russian policy towards the Caspian Sea over the past 30 years and assesses the effectiveness of these changes. The difficult transition from the role of a dominant player in a region closed to external competitors to an open geopolitical confrontation over resources, their transportation routes, and political influence at the first stage was not in favor of Russia. Russia could not defend the principle of a condominium for joint development of hydrocarbon resources of the sea. With the active assistance of Western competitors, Russia lost its status as a monopoly transit country for oil and gas from the region. At the same time, thanks to diplomatic efforts and increased political dialogue with its neighbors in the region, Russia managed to resolve all territorial issues at sea by 2003, maintain the closed status of the sea for the military forces of third countries, and by 2018 complete work on the Convention on the international legal status of the sea, which established the principles of cooperation in the region that are important for the Russian Federation. Thus, official Moscow managed to achieve the strategic goals adapted after the collapse of the USSR by using the traditional strengths of its foreign policy and consolidate its status as the most influential player in the region.

China's ivory bans: enhancing soft power through wildlife conservation

2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (6) ◽  
pp. 1389-1402 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Gamso
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Wildlife Conservation ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Organizations ◽  
Major Market ◽  
Chinese Policy ◽  
Authoritarian Government ◽  
Ivory Trade

Abstract China has been a major market for elephant ivory for centuries. However, the Chinese government recently enacted bans on imports and exports of ivory (2015) and on the domestic ivory trade (2017). These bans appear to have come in response to intensive influence campaigns and public shaming from domestic and foreign activists, who cited declining elephant populations and highlighted China's role. However, this shaming-narrative is at odds with conventional wisdom regarding Chinese policy-making: China typically resists international pressures and its authoritarian government is thought to be largely insulated from domestic efforts by civil society groups. This article reconciles Beijing's ivory policy with these conventional beliefs about policy-making in China. I argue that the Chinese government saw unique benefits to banning the ivory trade, under growing international scrutiny, as doing so enhanced Chinese soft power while having very little impact on its sovereignty or development. Non-government organizations (NGOs) operating both inside and outside of China played a role as well: NGOs in China helped to shift Chinese public opinion towards favouring the bans, while those operating abroad led public relations efforts to publicize Chinese demand for ivory to foreign audiences. Efforts by the latter group of NGOs intensified pressure on the Chinese government to rein in the ivory market, while increasing the soft power benefits that banning ivory would bring to Beijing.

The reform of the National Matriculation English Test and its impact on the future of English in China

English Today ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Junhai Zhao
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
English Language ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Further Education ◽  
English Language Teaching ◽  
Chinese Society ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Chain Reactions ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Impact

With more and more importance being attached to English since China's economic reform and opening up to the outside world in the late 1970s, the entire Chinese society has placed such high importance to the learning of English that at times it even plays a vital role for a person who plans to pursue further education and seek a better career (China Daily, 5 August, 2010). However, the end of 2013 saw an ‘unanticipated’ reform of policy on the National Matriculation English Test (henceforth, NMET) instituted by the Chinese Ministry of Education (henceforth, MOE). It was ‘unanticipated’ because in the past few years the Chinese government has invested heavily in English language teaching. As reported by ABC News (15 November, 2010), ‘China is pushing its people to learn English’, and English has thus occupied a prominent place in the life of the Chinese people because it is the ‘key’ to success (Chen, 2008: 16-37). According to this new policy, the once favorite ‘son’, i.e. English, may lose its predominance in the Chinese foreign language landscape and its importance may be diminished in exams. These changes are likely to cause a series of chain reactions since the dominant position of English largely lies in its weight in various levels of exams, with the NMET having the greatest impact. Given the determining factor of the NMET in Chinese people's attitudes towards English, NMET reform would almost undoubtedly change the current situation of English in China and it would be no exaggeration to say that it will have a foreseeable impact on various aspects of Chinese social life as well. In this article, I briefly review the causes for the ‘focus shift’ and attempt an analysis of the impact of the role of English in China in the future.

Chinese Migration and China's Foreign Policy in Africa

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Ma Mung
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Export Market ◽  
Migration Flow ◽  
Chinese Overseas ◽  
Chinese Policy ◽  
Transit Migration ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
Chinese Migration

AbstractSince the end of the 1990s, Africa has seen an increasing number of migrants of Chinese origin. It is possible to differentiate between three types of Chinese migration: a temporary labor migration flow linked to public building works and infrastructure projects undertaken by big Chinese enterprises; an entrepreneurial migration flow made up of merchants native to mainland China some of whom coming from the different diaspora communities; a proletarian transit migration flow consisting of people trying to sell their labor in western countries while waiting in Africa for opportunities to enter those countries. Over the same period, the foreign relations between China and Africa have expanded. There are roughly three elements in Chinese policy toward the continent: to gain access to natural resources such as oil and minerals, to widen China's export market and to strengthen China's diplomatic support for different international organizations. The objectives are to ensure the economic growth of the PRC and widen its political influence. This article aims to put in perspective the recent developments in Chinese migration and the orientations of China's foreign policy in Africa, and to re-address the question of relations between China and the Chinese overseas.

scholarly journals A STUDY OF 70 CASES OF DUB

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr. Yogesh C. Parmar
Keyword(s):  
Low Socioeconomic Status ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Treatment Options ◽  
Tertiary Care ◽  
Abnormal Uterine Bleeding ◽  
Uterine Bleeding ◽  
Care Hospital ◽  
Dysfunctional Uterine Bleeding ◽  
Medical Disorders ◽  
Number Of Patients

Background: Abnormal uterine bleeding (AUB) is a phenomenon which refers to menstrual bleeding of abnormal frequency, duration or quantity. It is a common gynaecological complaint caused by wide variety of organic or non-organic causes. The objective of the study was to determine the incidence of dysfunctional  uterine bleeding with respect to aetiopathology, demographic variables, treatment options and other medical disorders. Methods: A retrospective study of randomly selected 70 cases of dysfunctional  uterine bleeding admitted during October 2006 to September 2007, in the Dept. of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, in a tertiary care hospital named SSG Hospital at Vadodara. Only cases of AUB due to non-structural causes were included. Demographic details of each patient were recorded and analysed. Patients were evaluated with menstrual history, physical examination, laboratory tests and histological examinations. Patients were followed up from 3 to 8 months. Results: Most common age group presenting with DUB was 40–50 years  and mostly  belonged to low socioeconomic status. Most of the women were multiparous.  Polymenorrhagia and menorrhagia was most common presentation. Size of uterus is normal in 44 patients. Dilatation and curratage was  having the cure rate of 65.6% .Maximum number of patients (85%) was treated surgically and 15% got medical treatment. Conclusions: Dysfuntional uterine bleeding (DUB) now termed as Abnormal uterine bleeding (AUB) is a common gynaecological manifestation allied with considerable morbidity and significantly affects the patient's family, personal and social life. Perimenopausal women’s health and quality of life can be maintained and improved through preventive care, life style modification, early diagnosis of risk factor and appropriate treatment.   Keywords   Menorrhagia, Dysfunctional uterine bleeding,Abnormal uterine bleeding Perimenopausal women, Endometrium

scholarly journals THE RANGE OF ADMINISTRATIVE JUSTICE SPECIALIZATIONS IN RUSSIA AND THE OTHER BRICS COUNTRIES

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 24-48
Author(s):  
M. Kleandrov ◽  
I Pluzhnik
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Court System ◽  
Brics Countries ◽  
Lower Courts ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Judicial Procedures ◽  
Administrative Justice ◽  
Judicial Systems

This article deals with the challenges concerning increasing administrative justice efficacy in Russia and other BRICS countries, where the specialized development of jurisdictional bodies is inconsistent and far from effective. The article analyzes the gaps and disputed aspects of administrative justice including the mechanisms for judicial administrative dispute resolution in the BRICS countries. The authors argue that the level of effectiveness of administrative justice vested in judicial procedures depends critically on the specialization of the administrative courts. This involves individual judges, separately operating permanent judges, judicial committees, mono-courts, independent administrative judicial systems incorporated into larger judicial systems within the courts of general jurisdiction, and separate and independent administrative and judicial systems. Even though the BRICS countries do not have a structured administrative judiciary, the retrospective and comparative analysis of their administrative justice jurisdiction and its most effective practices and mechanisms undertaken by the authors enables them to rethink the existing approach to resolving administrative cases via the judiciary. The aim of the article is to initiate the creation of an independent administrative court system organization in order to ensure better justice in the areas of social life including legal relations with executive bodies. Suggestions for the implementation of the specialization of the administrative judiciary in the Russian Federation are given. The authors, for the first time in Russian jurisprudence, propose a theoretical model of an independent, four-tiered specialized legal mechanism of administrative justice, which includes the interrelated factors of court organization, the judiciary and their legal status. The range of the four specialized tiers of the administrative judicial system is proposed. It is argued that they should include a systematic succession represented by lower courts, first instance lower courts, area courts and a Higher Administrative Court of the Russian Federation.

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