scholarly journals Perkembangan Politik Islam Kontemporer

PALAPA ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-182
Author(s):  
Nursyamsu Nursyamsu

This article talks about Islam and politics are two interesting words to be discussed Islamic literatures. Many of the modern Islamic thinkers and modern neo, which tries to give an explanation of the relationship between Islam and politics. Religious and political discourse, particularly power management (religio-political power) has actually been growing since the middle of the century.In this article will discuss the contemporary Islamic thinkers view sperti Jamaluddin AlAfghani, Rashid Rhido, al-Maududi, Hasan Al-Bana etc.Besides, in this article see the political developments in the Islamic world, including the political history of Islam in Indonesia.

1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
John L. Bullion

The effects of the intense personal and political relationship between the young George III and his “dearest friend,” the earl of Bute, are well known to scholars of eighteenth-century Britain. The prince's affection and respect raised Bute, an obscure though well-connected Scottish nobleman, to the highest offices of state and to the absolute pinnacle of power. The earl's instruction and advice governed George's reactions to men and measures from 1755 until 1763. Even after Bute's influence waned following his resignation as First Lord of the Treasury, the lingering suspicions at Whitehall and Westminster that the king still listened to him in preference to others complicated relations between George III, his ministers, and Parliament.This article examines the origins of the friendship between the king and the earl, and the features of it that strengthened and preserved their attachment during the 1750s. These are questions that have not engaged the attention of many students of the period. The long shadow the relationship cast over politics during the 1760s has intrigued far more historians than its beginnings. They have been content to leave efforts to understand that subject to Sir Lewis Namier, who was inclined toward making psychological judgments of eighteenth-century politicians, and John Brooke, who was compelled to do so by the demands of writing a biography of George III. Both of these men asserted that the personal and affectionate aspects of the connection between the prince and Bute far outweighed the political and ideological during its early years. Their arguments have evidently convinced historians of politics to pass over what made Bute “my dearest friend” and press on to matters they assumed to be more relevant to their interests. The concern of this essay is to demonstrate that this assumption is incorrect. It will show that political and ideological considerations were in fact utterly crucial to this friendship at its inception and throughout its development during the 1750s, with consequences which profoundly affected the political history of the first decade of George III's reign. A mistaken reliance on works by Namier and Brooke has prevented scholars from perceiving these realities. Thus it is necessary to begin by pointing out the serious flaws in their interpretations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Ong Argo Victoria

This paper examines the political history of the relationship between Malaysia and Singapore, focusing on the notion of citizenship and its ethnic, civic and political dimensions. It analyses the extent to which the merger of Singapore with Malaysia redefined the citizenship boundaries of the Malaysian national political identity. The incorporation of Singaporean citizens into the Malaysian political community was controversial, as it was closely related to electoral stakes. The ruling People’s Action Party and the Alliance Party attempted to delineate the political sphere of the population of each political unit through the demarcation between ‘citizenship’ and ‘nationality’. However, the citizenship crisis continued to trouble the relationship of these states to the point that both parties breached the perceived agreement not to interfere with the other’s political sphere of influence. This sphere of influence was delineated on the basis of race, thus cutting across political territory rather than territorial attributes. The ideological clashes over the meaning of citizenship that arose during the political merger of Singapore and Malaya, show that a truly Malaysian citizenship could not be developed-only a Malaysia of citizens.


Africa ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 368-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Insa Nolte

AbstractThis article investigates the relationship between chieftaincy and the state in modern Nigeria. It focuses on politics and the mythical history of kings in the city of Abeokuta and argues that, particularly during the 1990s, the royal politics of the town drew heavily on different versions of mythical history. The reasons are twofold. They concern, first, the traditional political discourse of Yoruba kingship, in which a king's legitimacy can be discussed in terms of the attributes of the royalpersonahe embodies. In this context, legitimacy and status are often discussed as the first king's mythical origin. However, the continued political relevance and even volatility of this discourse in the 1990s related to the nature of the Nigerian state, in which traditional status is closely associated with political power.


The Library ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hinds

Abstract This article analyses the production of printed political discourse between post-war Ireland and England, in particular Sir Robert Southwell’s leading role in bringing to publication William King’s The State of the Protestants and Sir William Petty’s The Political Anatomy of Ireland in 1691. The questions these two books raised for the settlement of Ireland and for the relationship between the two kingdoms of Ireland and England have become very important for Anglo-Irish political history yet their publication circumstances in 1691 have not been considered. The article argues that studying these circumstances, applying the methods of book history, and analysing carefully reception contexts reveals the ways that senior government figures used print for political and personal influence, demonstrates the growing role and sophistication of printed discourse in Anglo-Irish politics, and uncovers how networks of trusted friends and allies operating between kingdoms could be crucial for the production and favourable reception of political argument in print.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Xin Wen

Abstract The political history of medieval China is written primarily on the basis of official records produced at centers of political power by victors in the preceding trans-dynastic war. With the help of alternative sources, one can hope to challenge the triumphalist and teleological narrative imbedded in these records. In this article, I use documents preserved in the Dunhuang “library cave” to uncover a failed attempt to establish a regional state with imperial pretensions in Dunhuang immediately after the fall of the Tang. This kind of political regionalism seen in Dunhuang is also found in several other post-Tang states in Sichuan and Guangdong. My investigation of their similarities exposes the teleological nature of the conventional framework of “Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms,” and demands that we rethink the political history of China after the fall of the Tang.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nuraini A Manan

The discussion of the Fatimid Dynasty was an interesting discussion, because the controversy caused by the dynasty was enough to stir the Islamic world. Some author said this kingdom has a great contribution to introduce Muslims to science, because they build the University of al-Azhar. On the other hand, this kingdom is said to be an intolerant extremist kingdom, suppressing Sunni Muslims or Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah. The history of the kingdom filled with oppression, deceit, and deviation from the teachings of Islam is also another side that needs to be raised and discussed. Before discussing the political power of the Fatimid dynasty, we first discuss the ideology of this kingdom, because this is the underlying political movement. Fatimid dynasty was a Shiite-ideological kingdom, more precisely the Ismailis. Isma’ili Shi’ah is a Shi’ite sect who believes that Ismail bin Ja’far is the seventh priest, as for the majority of Shia (Shi’a Itsna Asyriyah) believes that Musah bin Ja’fa was the seventh imam after Ja’far ash-Sadiq. The differences in this subject matter then evolved into other doctrinal principles that increasingly distinguished Ismaili Shiite teachings from mainstream Shiite, Shiite Asna Asyriyah, so this teaching became a separate sect. Ismailis have beliefs that deviate far from the teachings and creeds of Islam. Like other Shiite sects, Isma’ilis Shiites also believe that priests are awake from sinful deeds, they are perfect figures, and there is no gap at all


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-431
Author(s):  
Bulat R. Rakhimzianov

Abstract This article explores relations between Muscovy and the so-called Later Golden Horde successor states that existed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on the territory of Desht-i Qipchaq (the Qipchaq Steppe, a part of the East European steppe bounded roughly by the Oskol and Tobol rivers, the steppe-forest line, and the Caspian and Aral Seas). As a part of, and later a successor to, the Juchid ulus (also known as the Golden Horde), Muscovy adopted a number of its political and social institutions. The most crucial events in the almost six-century-long history of relations between Muscovy and the Tatars (13–18th centuries) were the Mongol invasion of the Northern, Eastern and parts of the Southern Rus’ principalities between 1237 and 1241, and the Muscovite annexation of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates between 1552 and 1556. According to the model proposed here, the Tatars began as the dominant partner in these mutual relations; however, from the beginning of the seventeenth century this role was gradually inverted. Indicators of a change in the relationship between the Muscovite grand principality and the Golden Horde can be found in the diplomatic contacts between Muscovy and the Tatar khanates. The main goal of the article is to reveal the changing position of Muscovy within the system of the Later Golden Horde successor states. An additional goal is to revisit the role of the Tatar khanates in the political history of Central Eurasia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.


Author(s):  
Rembert Lutjeharms

This chapter introduces the main themes of the book—Kavikarṇapūra, theology, Sanskrit poetry, and Sanskrit poetics—and provides an overview of each chapter. It briefly highlights the importance of the practice of poetry for the Caitanya Vaiṣṇava tradition, places Kavikarṇapūra in the (political) history of sixteenth‐century Bengal and Orissa as well as sketches his place in the early developments of the Caitanya Vaiṣṇava tradition (a topic more fully explored in Chapter 1). The chapter also reflects more generally on the nature of both his poetry and poetics, and highlights the way Kavikarṇapūra has so far been studied in modern scholarship.


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