scholarly journals The Similarities between the Political System of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and the Laos People’s Democratic Republic

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (9) ◽  
pp. 56-62
Author(s):  
Ho Duc Hiep ◽  
Vu Hong Van
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Teaching And Learning ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Socialist Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Common Feeling

Vietnam and Laos relationship, timeless friendship is a common feeling that people of the two countries have witnessed over the years. The study of clarifying the political system of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and the Laos People’s Democratic Republic is of great significance in analyzing the organization and implementation of political power and power of the government, organization and operation of the Party, the State and socio-political organizations. At the same time, this is also a good source of references for teachers, learners and scholars interested in research, teaching and learning. Within the scope of this article, we focus on clarifying the political system in Vietnam and Laos at the following points: (i) The concept and characteristics of the political system of Vietnam and Laos; (ii) The political institutions of the political systems of Vietnam and Laos, from which comments and assessments of the political system model of the two countries.

scholarly journals Political Parties and Their Role in the Systems of Government

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Vait Qerimi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Political Sciences ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Dynamic Forces ◽  
The Government

In modern democracies, political parties have a very important political role. The existence of political parties is vital for the functioning of democracy. Political parties remain the cornerstone of the systems of government, and without their presence and operation, it is impossible to talk about the system and democratic institutions. Governance in a democracy means to and through political parties. Political parties and competition between them create the political system. Political parties constitute the central object of political sciences and they are almost always the main protagonists in the political systems. They undoubtedly represent the political power and the motor of parliamentarianism. Through the parliamentary action, the political parties build and operate the entire state structure of a state, regarding the functioning of parliament, the government, the head of state, to the local government bodies and other political institutions. Political parties are the socially dynamic forces representing one of the most significant achievements of democracy. This is well-argued with their very central role and crucial importance of the parties.

Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy

1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seymour Martin Lipset
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Agencies ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Existence And Stability ◽  
Political Philosopher ◽  
Determinants Of Action

The conditions associated with the existence and stability of democratic society have been a leading concern of political philosophy. In this paper the problem is attacked from a sociological and behavioral standpoint, by presenting a number of hypotheses concerning some social requisites for democracy, and by discussing some of the data available to test these hypotheses. In its concern with conditions—values, social institutions, historical events—external to the political system itself which sustain different general types of political systems, the paper moves outside the generally recognized province of political sociology. This growing field has dealt largely with the internal analysis of organizations with political goals, or with the determinants of action within various political institutions, such as parties, government agencies, or the electoral process. It has in the main left to the political philosopher the larger concern with the relations of the total political system to society as a whole.

Dimensions of Political Alienation

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 389-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ada W. Finifter
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
System Stability ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Marked Rise ◽  
Citizen Support ◽  
The Individual

In recent years there has emerged in this country a radical questioning and rejection of established political institutions unparalleled since the Civil War in its intensity and scope. One objective indicator of this trend since World War II is the marked rise in voluntary renunciation of American citizenship, an act which represents the formal and final estrangement of the individual from his former political ties. Available evidence suggests that estrangement from the polity is also widespread in countries throughout the world as fundamental questions are being raised about the legitimacy of political institutions and political leadership.Attitudes toward the political system have long been a concern of political scientists. Major orienting theories of the political system suggest that citizen support plays a crucial role in determining the structure and processes of political systems. Almond and Verba, for example, use the concept “civic culture” to refer to a complex mix of attitudes and behaviors considered to be conducive to democratic government. Easton underscores the fundamental importance of attitudes for system stability, focusing especially on “diffuse support” as a prerequisite for the integration of political systems. He suggests that “(w)here the input of support falls below [a certain] minimum, the persistence of any kind of system will be endangered. A system will finally succumb unless it adopts measures to cope with the stress.”The conversion of these general theoretical ideas into systematic empirical theory requires further rigorous and comprehensive analyses of types of citizen support and the development of empirical indicators for this domain.

scholarly journals THE ISSUE OF LEGITIMACY OF THE LATVIAN POLITICAL SYSTEM

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 313
Author(s):  
Gunārs Ozolzīle
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sociological Research ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
The Past ◽  
Diffuse Support ◽  
Sufficient Resource

A democratic political system can be sustainable and stable only if it has society’s support that is based on legitimacy. So far, the attention of Latvian researchers has mostly been devoted to the so-called “ratings” of separate political institutions and politicians, but no attempt has been undertaken to investigate the political system as a whole through the prism of legitimacy. The aim of the present article is to explore whether there is a sufficient resource of legitimacy of the Latvian political system in order to provide stability and efficiency of the regime. The empirical basis of the research mostly consists of the results of the sociological research conducted in Latvia during the past six years (2011–2016). The data analysis of the present research is based on David Easton and Pippa Norris’ conceptual approach to the study of legitimacy of political systems. One of the conclusions that can be made is that the political system of Latvia is characterised by insufficient diffuse support, which then indicates that the political system experiences the problem of legitimacy. As there is a divided society in Latvia, both communities lack a shared national identity, which could connect the society. In addition, it can be stated that around half of the society is not satisfied with the functioning of the political regime. The analysis performed in the article allows concluding that the trust in political institutions is extremely low and the assessment of the political authority performance is highly negative.

Towards a Concept of Political Robustness

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172199997
Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen ◽  
Christopher Ansell
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Societal Challenges ◽  
Strong Capacity

How effective are different political institutions, policy-making processes and policies when it comes to mediating, mitigating and managing vertical and horizontal political tensions caused by disruptive societal challenges and political polarization? The present crisis for liberal democracy places this question high on the research agenda. A concept of political robustness is helpful for identifying the properties of political systems with a strong capacity for coping with political instability and conflict. This article defines political robustness, draws the contours of a conceptual framework for analysis of the political robustness of political systems and applies it illustratively to the political robustness of liberal democracies. We propose that the robustness of a political system depends on how much those who voice political demands—which differs greatly over time and between regimes—are involved in aggregating and integrating political demands into binding decisions.

Political System Transparency and Monetary Commitment Regimes

2002 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 861-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Lawrence Broz
Keyword(s):  
Exchange Rate ◽  
Central Bank ◽  
Exchange Rates ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Fixed Exchange Rates ◽  
Government Interference ◽  
The Government

Central bank independence (CBI) and fixed exchange rates are alternative monetary commitments that differ in transparency. While CBI is opaque and difficult to monitor, a commitment to a fixed exchange rate is easily observed. Political systems also vary in terms of transparency. I argue that the transparency of monetary commitments and the transparency of political systems are substitutes. Where political decision making is opaque (autocracies), governments must look to a commitment that is more transparent and constrained (fixed exchange rates) than the government itself. The transparency of the monetary commitment substitutes for the transparency of the political system to engender low inflation. Where the political process is transparent (democracies), a formal commitment to CBI can produce lower inflation because private agents and the political opposition are free to detect and punish government interference with the central bank. Statistical results indicate that (1) autocracies are more likely to adopt exchange-rate pegs than democracies, and (2) CBI is effective in limiting inflation in nations with high levels of political transparency.

The Judicialization of the Public Sphere in Israel

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 500-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Itzhak Galnoor
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

AbstractJudicialization in this article is the predisposition to find a solution in adjudication to types of dispute that had been settled previously in a socio-economic-political framework. “Legislative judicialization” (or over-legalization) is also a predisposition according to which the variegated spheres of our lives need to be regulated through a formal code of laws. In the political arena the questions relating to judicialization are: Is the assumption that legal decisions are able to save politics – mainly democratic values and abiding by the derived rules of the game – a valid one? Can one institution of the political system (broadly defined) – the law court – rescue the two other, the parliament and the government, in difficult times? Assuming that “successful” intervention by the judicial institution will cause the other two to abide strictly by the rule of law, could it at the same time curb their effective steering capacity, which is their main task? And conversely, if the steering capacity and the leadership ability to make “good” decisions are so flimsy – would it not be desirable to have judicial review to ensure that the political institutions at least make “proper” decisions that are not extremely unreasonable? These are the main questions discussed in this article.The findings regarding the judicialization of politics point out not only to the eagerness of the law courts, but mainly to the weakening of the political system, to the point where the Knesset, the Government and the political parties find it most difficult to function without the assistance given them by the law courts. And yet, did the judicial branch “save” the other two branches? Obviously, this has not happened thus far. In Israel, a profound democratic deficit exists in the political system due to the fact, among other things, that the political institutions are incapable of coping with the continuing internal and external crises. In Israeli society, judicialization is but a symptom of a wide-ranging predicament that requires a richer bill of fare than more laws and more adjudication. It consists of: the social grounding of democratic values; renewal of trust and confidence in the political institutions; strengthening the political parties; recognition of the contribution of civil organizations and the media; strengthening the local authorities, and more. This is the real arena, because there is a breaking point to the over-judicialization of the public sphere beyond which lies total anarchy.

Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa?

2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.

Division de pouvoir et intégration social: de Montesquieu à la crise actuelle du parlementarisme

1968 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-269
Author(s):  
André Vachet
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Social Division ◽  
Western Democracy ◽  
Vital Forces

Division of power and social integrationExplanation of some of the recent challenges to western democracy may be found in a re-examination of Montesquieu's thought. Here we find the theory of the separation of power to be far more complex than is implied in the simple divisions of legislature, executive, and judiciary. For Montesquieu, the separation of power is more a social division than a political or juridical one. He contemplated returning the organs of political power to various social forces, e.g. monarchy, aristocracy, and bourgeoisie, and that then the self-assertion of forces would be restrained by the resistance of other social groups. The realization of its goals would require every important social group to integrate itself both to society and to the state and to seek its goals through realization of the general good.Since Montesquieu's time, political structures would seem to have been very little changed even though social structures have been greatly altered by the rise of economic powers. Political institutions have been losing touch with the vital forces of society and these have had to find other channels of expression. The personalization of power, the rise of the executive, violence, and increasing paternalism may be viewed as phenomena of compensation by which attempts are being made to bridge the gap between the structures of political power and those of a society which has been restructured.Revigoration of parliamentary democracy would seem to require that all vital social forces be reintegrated into the political system and be given meaningful channels of political expression. Failure to make such changes opens the way to identification of the political powers with technocracy and the increasing general use of violence in the resolution of social problems.

Pro-Regime Posters in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-224
Author(s):  
Mateusz M. P. Kłagisz
Keyword(s):  
Visual Culture ◽  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Wishful Thinking ◽  
The Political ◽  
Umberto Eco ◽  
Internal Dynamics ◽  
Socialist Realist ◽  
Source Of Information

The article discusses three Afghan posters as a source of information on the political system between 1978 and 1992 and its internal dynamics. The posters are an integral part of Afghan visual culture and at the same time they are an inseparable element of the broader propaganda culture developed by communist parties. Consequently, such categories as unity, utility and wishful thinking characteristic for the socialist realist art and propaganda put the posters in the broadly understood phenomenon of Orwellian newspeak. To discuss their Orwellian dimension theoretical tools developed by Umberto Eco have been applied.

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