Zróżnicowanie formalnych podstaw współpracy gospodarczej Unii Europejskiej z państwami Partnerstwa Wschodniego a wzajemna wymiana handlowa

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-195
Author(s):  
Hanna Dumała

The economic relations of the European Union (EU) with the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries are diverse in terms of their formal basis, scope and size. All EaP countries were already covered by the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) in 1993/1994 and some by the additional GSP+ scheme in 2005, and bilateral Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (with the exception of Belarus) in 1998–1999, replaced in 2016–2018 by an Association Agreement with a DCFTA for Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, and in Armenia by a comprehensive and strengthened Partnership Agreement. However, the analysis of trade flows between 2007 and 2017 did not reveal a clear link between the volume of trade and the type of agreement governing economic relations. Although for most Eastern Partnership countries, the EU is the most important export market (except for Belarus) and the most important supplier (except for Armenia and Belarus), for the EU as a whole, the EaP countries remain second and third tier partners.

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-149
Author(s):  
Tatyana Muravska ◽  
Alexandre Berlin

Abstract The European Union (EU) signed Association Agreements on 27 June 2014 with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova, and Ukraine. The Association Agreement (AA) is the EU’s main instrument to bring the countries in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) closer to EU standards and norms. For the citizens of the EaP countries to benefit from these agreements, a more in-depth knowledge of the EU and the EU Member States is required to be reflected in a comparative approach to European Union studies. We examine these implications on the need to expand and adapt, the content and approach to research and teaching European Union studies, with the transdisciplinary approach becoming increasingly dominant, becoming a modern tool for research in social sciences. This contribution aims to offer insight into the implementation of transdisciplinarity in the methodology of education and research as it is determined by current increasing global challenges. This approach should serve as a means of integrating a number of main goals as part of learning, teaching and research processes: strengthening employability of young people and preparing them for citizenship. We discuss the need for modernizing European studies in the EU Member States that could serve as an example for the EU Eastern Partnership countries. We conclude that the theoretical approach to European and related studies of other disciplines and their practical implications should always be transdisciplinary in nature and benefit from direct in-situ exposure and should be fully integrated in university curricula


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Giselle Bosse ◽  
Moritz Höpner ◽  
Alena Vieira

Abstract In bilateral relations and negotiations with the European Union (EU), smaller and economically weaker states are often unable to express their national preferences. Despite their limited bargaining power, however, some Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries obtained significant concessions from the EU. This article analyzes the factors that explain EaP states’ unexpected negotiation success in the context of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) with Ukraine, the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with Armenia, and enhanced economic partnership with Belarus. We identify negotiation strategies that are crucial to understanding of the puzzle.


10.23856/3007 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (5) ◽  
pp. 76-82
Author(s):  
Kateryna Slyusarenko ◽  
Irina Maksymova ◽  
Anastasiia Beskrovna

Foreign trade relations between Ukraine and the EU are developing under the terms of the Association Agreement coming into force. The article presents both positive and negative sides. The dynamics of foreign trade between Ukraine and the EU countries is analyzed, Ukraine's export and import structure is represented, as well as the proposed priorities of the development of foreign economic relations between Ukraine and the European Union


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunta Pastore

AbstractThis paper seeks to explore how the EU policy on Ukraine evolved in the run-up to the Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius in November 2013. In particular, it looks into the preparations leading to the signature of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement. Thereby it contributes to better understanding of the EU policy debate related to the associated negotiations with the Eastern Partnership countries. Prior to the Vilnius Summit there were high expectations that signature of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement would become a key deliverable of the summit. After the EU had postponed the signing of the agreement due to Ukraine’s backsliding in democracy for several times, the process gained new momentum in 2013. It is suggested that exogenous factors, such as Russia’s increasing pressure on Ukraine, contributed to consolidating the EU position. However, at the last minute Ukraine suspended its signature of the agreement at the Vilnius Summit. While Ukraine’s domestic developments and Yanukovych’s deals with Russia can be blamed for this fiasco, the EU Member States take a large share of responsibility. Lack of creativity to find a way out of the deadlock, as well as lack of the political will on the part of EU leaders to fight for Ukraine explains why the Association Agreement turned out as a missed opportunity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-39
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Sutyrin ◽  

The paper deals with the problem of investigating strategies and experience of the European Union which it employs to strengthen its political influence in the Eastern Partnership countries by means of working with business sector. The author analyses statistical data, official EU position and programme documents, funding data. Institutional and constructivist approaches are employed to study the processes and results of EU policies. The study covers the period between 2009 and 2020, and investigates aims, instruments, funding, KPI of the EU in dealing with business communities of Eastern Partnership countries. The author gives an overview of a range of opinions in expert discussions concerning the humanitarian influence of the EU. The conclusion is drawn that the scale and forms of EU interventions and funding for particular country are conditioned by the level of political relationship with its government. The bulk of funding (more than 60%) is directed not to loans or subsidies to SMEs, but to humanitarian (i.e. “soft power”) projects focusing of particular groups – entrepreneurs, active youth, regions, officials, etc. EU humanitarian penetration into focus countries of EP creates an infrastructure, social organizations and groups, which could be utilized to political ends.


Author(s):  
Maria Garcia

Official relations between Chile and the European Union (formerly the European Communities) date back to 1967 when the two parties first opened diplomatic representations in Brussels and Santiago, respectively. As Chile transitioned to a democratic polity from 1990, the relationship deepened. Reflecting the EU’s support for democratization in Latin America, both parties formalized ties through the signing of a Cooperation Framework Agreement in 1991 and a Framework Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation in 1996. The latter set Chile and the EU on the path to eventually negotiating an Association Agreement, including a preferential trade agreement (PTA), between 1999 and 2002. The Association Agreement has been in force since 2003, and in 2017 Chile and the EU decided to launch negotiations to modernize the preferential trade agreement part of the Association. The bilateral relationship, and its study, have been defined by three key areas: (1) political relations, (2) cooperation relations, and (2) economic relations. The political and cooperation ties between the two parties have, in turn, been determined by two strands of EU external policies: (1) the EU’s overarching approach toward relations with Latin America, and (2) the evolution of the EU’s development policy. Economic relations, for their part, cover rising trade flows and increasing investment (especially EU foreign direct investment outflows and stocks in Chile). Chile’s attractiveness, despite its relatively small economy and population, derives from its specific political economy. Chile’s painful market reforms under the Pinochet regime set it on a path of greater economic openness than its neighbours. Democratic governments since 1990 have continued policies of trade liberalization, low tariffs, and active engagement in the creation of a dense network of global preferential trade agreements with Chile at its center as a gateway to Latin America. This has helped to diversify Chilean trade relations away from over-reliance on the EU or the United States, and has made Chile an attractive target for foreign investment. The trade agreement part of the Association Agreement ushered in deeper economic ties, and a body of scholarly analyses of the agreement and its impacts has slowly emerged. Relations with Chile have formed part of the EU’s broader strategy toward Latin America, rather than independent EU strategy. Initial steps toward an Association Agreement were within the context of negotiations for an Association Agreement between the EU and Mercosur (the Common Market of the South). Analysis of the EU–Chile relationship has, as a result, tended to be sparse and to be included as a subsection in studies of broader EU–Latin America relations, and especially EU–Mercosur relations. Nevertheless, the relationship represents a positive example of successful engagement with a relatively like-minded partner in a mature association, and demonstrates the extent of and possibilities for EU foreign policy engagement. Moreover, the relationship has served as a testing ground for new types of projects and collaborations and for mutual learning, such as the parties’ joint projects on increasing gender representation in politics, or the inclusion of gender clauses, for the first time in an EU preferential trade agreement, in the modernization of the EU–Chile agreement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3(31)) ◽  
pp. 29-42
Author(s):  
Mykola Svirniuk

The approach to identifying practical problems is in the interaction between the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU), the consequences of the UK's withdrawal from the EU, and ways to overcome them by coordinating national institutes' activities in the UK and the EU. The specific research results that characterize the novelty of the study are as follows: it was found that the UK's withdrawal from the EU is a specific form of manifestation of the global tendency to revive elements of isolationism in international economic relations; it was found that the work of the European Commission and the UK government on further cooperation between the EU and the UK can be used to create models of cooperation between the Eastern Partnership countries and the EU in the future. The aim is to study the theoretical and practical foundations of the European integration of the UK in retrospective and modern times to identify problems of cooperation with the EU, a general analysis of the causes and possible consequences of leaving the EU, prospects for further development.


Author(s):  
Daniel Butyter

Alternative logistics connections between Poland and the Eastern Partnership membersTransport services market is one of the key elements of the economy of each country. Through the transport market the access to factors of production for enterprises is provided and by its mediation products are delivered to consumers. The correctness of functioning of the market determines the efficiency of the whole economic system of the country. For each Eastern Partnership country the EU is the main trade partner. Poland as one of the member states of the European Union is closely cooperating with the Eastern Partnership countries and the key to the development of this cooperation is the insurance of the proper functioning of the transport market. The aim of the article is to present the current logistics connections between Poland and Eastern Partnership countries and problems of logistics connections and as well as alternative connections that create more favorable conditions for the cooperation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-150
Author(s):  
Katarina Ristic

The paper examines the limits of the European Union policy making towards the Eastern Neighbours, as well as towards the Russian Federation. In-depth analyses of the existing contractual relations proved that the EU neighborhood policy is a nonfunctional mixture of foreign policy interventionism, enlargement policy and conditionality instruments. The article has found that high economic interests, security and peace intentions and fight against the global threats in the Eastern Neighborhood are not subject to the typical EU conditionality, since proven instruments work only under the umbrella of the enlargement policy and membership prospect. The author has concluded that the EU will have to look old/new form of partnerships for the neighborhood countries in order to keep stability, peace and security around its borders. Current relations with the Eastern Partnership countries are neither developed, neither confident, despite the hybrid legal frameworks with some of them. A vital strategic partner in the East remains the Russian Federation, and it is expected that relations in the Eastern Neighborhood will be adjusted to the current position of Russia in this region. This can not be dependent, even of the membership prospect for Ukraine, Moldova or Georgia, which seems to be inadequate offer at the moment, like it was at all the previous historical moments and developments. New agreements signed with these three countries did not help prevent conflicts, tensions, or the huge pro-Russian opposition in these countries. Implementation of comprehensive Association Agreements/Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements are yet to come, and these countries still lack democratic and efficient governance, and implementation of the number of paragraphs from the previous Partnership and Cooperation Agreements. PCAs are still in force with the rest of the countries of the Eastern Partnership (except Belarus). DCFTA Agreement with Ukraine is not yet ratified by all EU member states (Netherlands).


2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (6) ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
Zhang DONGYANG ◽  

The status and prospects of development of trade and economic relations between Ukraine and China are considered. It is proved that bilateral cooperation in the trade and economic sphere has made significant progress. In 2012–2017, China was the second largest trading partner of Ukraine after Russia. However, the problem of imbalance in imports and exports between Ukraine and China has not yet been resolved. In addition, the scale and number of projects in which Ukraine attracts Chinese investment is much less than investments from European countries and the United States. It is justified that trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and China is at a new historical stage. On the one hand, Ukraine signed the Association Agreement with the European Union, and on January 1, 2016, the rules of the free trade zone between Ukraine and the EU entered into force. This helps to accelerate the integration of Ukrainian economy into European one. On the other hand, the global economic downturn requires the introduction of innovations in the model of cooperation. The Chinese initiative “One belt is one way” is one of the variants of the innovation model of cooperation. Its significance is to unite the Asia-Pacific region with the EU in order to join the Eurasian Economic Union, create a new space and opportunities for development and achieve prosperity with the Eurasian countries. All this forms unprecedented opportunities for development of bilateral economic and trade relations. It seems that to fully open the potential of Ukrainian economy and expand bilateral trade and economic cooperation, it is necessary to take into account such proposals as the establishment of the Sino-Ukrainian industrial park, the promotion of cooperation in the field of electronic commerce, the formation of the Sino-Ukrainian free trade zone and enhanced interaction within multilateral mechanisms (for example, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the interaction of China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the 16 + 1 format).


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