What the Axis of Evil Metaphor Did to Iran

2007 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Heradstveit ◽  
Matthew G. Bonham

This article focuses on the Axis of Evil metaphor that was used by President George W. Bush in his State of the Union Address in 2002 to represent Iran, Iraq, and North Korea. After describing "axis" as a metonym for fascism and Nazism, and "evil" as a metonym for Satanic forces that implies an alliance of Iran, Iraq, and North Korea that is collectively responsible for evil deeds, the authors analyze the impact of this metaphor on Iranian self-image and politics. The data for this analysis are drawn from in-depth interviews conducted with 18 members of the Iranian oppositional elite. The interview results suggest that the Axis of Evil metaphor had an impact on political discourse in Iran and strengthened the rhetorical position of conservatives vis-à-vis reformers by reviving militant revolutionary language with the Great Satan (the United States) as the main target of the theocratic and conservative forces. The article concludes with some observations about the implications of using cultural and historical experiences for explaining differences between the ways in which Americans (and other people in the West) and Iranians have understood the metaphor.

Author(s):  
Min-hyung Kim

Abstract Given the limits of the prevailing hedging account for Seoul’s puzzling behavior that is in conformity with the interests of its adversary (i.e. North Korea) and potential threat (i.e. China) rather than those of its principal ally (i.e. the United States) and security cooperation partner (i.e. Japan), this article emphasizes the impact of the progressive ideology on Seoul’s security policy. In doing so, it calls for attention to a domestic source of ideology in explaining the security behaviors of a secondary state, which is under-researched and thus is poorly understood.


Author(s):  
Barbara O'Byrne

Blended course delivery has wide applications across diverse educational settings. By definition, it is multimodal and involves multiple delivery formats. However, scant research has examined the impact of multimodal, blended delivery on university pedagogy. This chapter makes the case for close examination of the theoretical and pedagogical foundation of blended learning and proposes that research is needed to establish and validate the constructivist principles associated with blended learning. A longitudinal analysis of surveys and in-depth interviews with instructors from a distance education graduate school in the United States identified and contextualized features of learner-centered pedagogy linked to blended learning.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 205630512092851
Author(s):  
Megan Ward

Vigilante groups in the United States and India have used social media to distribute their content and publicize violent spectacles for political purposes. This essay will tackle the spectacle of vigilante lynchings, abduction, and threats as images of vigilante violence are spread online in support of specific candidates, state violences, and election discourse. It is important to understand the impact of not only these vigilante groups, but understand the communicative spectacle of their content. Using Leo R. Chavez’s understanding of early 2000s vigilante action as spectacle in service of social movements, this essay extends the analysis to modern vigilante violence online content used as dramatic political rhetoric in support of sitting administrations. Two case studies on modern vigilante violence provide insight into this phenomenon are as follows: (1) Vigilante nativist militia groups across the United States in support of border militarization have kidnapped migrants in the Southwest desert, documenting these incidents to show support for the Trump Administration and building of a border wall and (2) vigilante mobs in India have circulated videos and media documenting lynchings of so-called “cow killers”; these attacks target Muslims in the light of growing Hindu Nationalist sentiment and political movement in the country. Localized disinformation and personal video allow vigilante content to spread across social media to recruit members for militias, as well as incite quick acts of mob violence. Furthermore, these case studies display how the social media livestreams and video allow representations of violence to become attention-arresting visual acts of political discourse.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-94
Author(s):  
CHOI LYONG

AbstractThis article discusses the impact and implications of Sino-American reconciliation on South Korea's policy towards its conflict with North Korea as well as its effect on South Korean politics in the early 1970s. Specifically, this article will examine how the Park regime altered its policy toward the North in response to the demands of the Nixon administration, before discussing the limitations of the policy in terms of the hostile approach of the Park regime toward Pyongyang during its talks with North Korea in 1972.Based on recent findings in the South Korean and American archives, and an interview with former KCIA official Gang Indeok, this article contends that this particular focus provides an interesting case study to explain the impact of global changes on the domestic politics of specific nation(s) during the Cold War era. Along with many other American client states, the Republic of Korea misunderstood the objective of the United States before Nixon announced his Doctrine in 1969 and intention to reduce American support for Park. To be sure, it was not Washington's intention to build a democratic country in the Korean Peninsula. Rather, as Westad has indicated, the superpower sought greater control over the world and the expansion and extension of its power. This short article will thus demonstrate the process by which the client states of the United States—in particular, South Korea—came to understand the real aims of Washington and learned how to utilize these American intentions for their own national interest.


2005 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 947-959 ◽  
Author(s):  
James R. Angel ◽  
Michael A. Palecki ◽  
Steven E. Hollinger

Abstract Soil erosion is a major global challenge. An increased understanding of the mechanisms driving soil erosion, especially the storms that produce it, is vital to reducing the impact on agriculture and the environment. The objective of this work was to study the spatial distribution and time trends of the soil erosion characteristics of storms, including the maximum 30-min precipitation intensity (I30), storm kinetic energy of the falling precipitation (KE), and the storm erosivity index (EI) using a long-term 15-min precipitation database. This is the first time that such an extensive climatology of soil erosion characteristics of storms has been produced. The highest mean I30, KE, and EI values occurred in all seasons in the southeastern United States, while the lowest occurred predominantly in the interior west. The lowest mean I30, KE, and EI values typically occurred in winter, and the highest occurred in summer. The exception to this was along the West Coast where winter storms exhibited the largest mean KE and EI values. Linear regression was used to identify trends in mean storm erosion characteristics for nine U.S. zones over the 31-yr study period. The south-central United States showed increases for all three storm characteristics for all four seasons. On the other hand, higher elevations along the West Coast showed strong decreases in all three storm characteristics across all seasons. The primary agricultural region in the central United States showed significant increases in fall and winter mean EI when there is less vegetative cover. These results underscore the need to update the storm climatology that is related to soil erosion on a regular basis to reflect changes over time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. S880-S881
Author(s):  
Jehan Budak ◽  
David Sears ◽  
Brian Wood ◽  
Shireesha Dhanireddy ◽  
Shireesha Dhanireddy ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Despite dramatic advances in the care of people with HIV (PWH), the shortage of HIV providers is worsening. An approach to this workforce shortage has been integration of robust HIV training into residency. We created a national survey to describe curricula and outcomes of formal HIV training pathways and how this may impact the HIV workforce shortage. Methods We designed a cross-sectional study of Internal Medicine (IM) and Family Medicine (FM) Residency HIV pathways in the United States. We identified programs via literature review, internet search, and snowball sampling. A draft survey was piloted with two pathway directors, and in January 2019, the final survey was sent via email to all pathway directors. This survey included 33-items, predominantly quantitative, and focused on program organization, curricular content, graduate outcomes, and challenges. We used descriptive statistics to summarize numeric responses. Results Twenty-five residency programs with dedicated HIV pathways were identified; 11 IM and 15 FM. The majority of the programs are in the West and Northeast United States. Twenty-four (96%) of programs have completed the survey. Since the first program was established in 2006, 228 residents have graduated from HIV pathways in the United States (151 IM, 77 FM). Programs have varying goals, application procedures, clinical requirements, didactic structures, graduation requirements, and assessments of competency. Of graduates, 108 (47%) have American Academy of HIV Medicine (AAHIVM) certification. Ninety-two (42%) of graduates are reported as currently providing primary care to ≥ 20 PWH (the majority in the West and Northeast United States). The most commonly cited reported barrier to graduates finding jobs caring for PWH are lack of job opportunities in their geographic area. Conclusion HIV pathways in IM and FM programs are heterogenous in their structure and curricula. Less than 50% of pathway graduates remain in the HIV provider workforce, and the majority of those work in the West and Northeast United States. The impact of these programs might be enhanced by interventions to increase graduate retention in this workforce and to launch pathways in the areas of greatest need, such as the Southern United States. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Weiqi Zhang ◽  
Ginger L. Denton

North Korea has repeatedly defied the international community with regards to its nuclear weapons programme. Many look to China for leverage to change North Korea’s behaviour. This study reviews the development of the China–North Korean relationship and conducts a statistical analysis on the impact of China’s influence on North Korea. Our analysis finds China’s leverage on North Korea to be nuanced. We maintain that North Korea has been wary of China’s influence. Complete isolation or pressure from China under certain conditions will render North Korea more resistant to China’s influence. We also suggest that the key to the North Korean issue is still in the hands of the United States and the entire international community through the use of an engagement strategy.


Author(s):  
Beverley Hooper

China under Mao Zedong has commonly been viewed as one of the world’s most insulated nations, cut off from the West and largely inaccessible to Westerners. The closest parallel in the twenty-first century is probably North Korea, often described as being like ‘another planet’. That small country, though, has only 25 million people as against China’s 541 million when the Communists came to power. In Cold War discourse, particularly but not only in the United States, the bamboo curtain between ‘Red China’ and the West was often portrayed as being virtually impenetrable....


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