Archives and the Atlantic Pact: how the NATO Archives preserves and protects the records of an Alliance*

Comma ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2019 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-72
Author(s):  
Ineke Deserno ◽  
Nicholas Roche ◽  
Barbara Viallet ◽  
Etienne Wintenberger

In 2019, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) celebrated 70 years of consultation, consensus and conflict prevention. The same year also marked 20 years since NATO first opened access to its archives to the public. The establishment of the NATO Archives in 1999 was hailed by then Secretary General Javier Solana as an important signal of the Alliance’s commitment to transparency and openness. NATO declassified and publicly disclosed thousands of documents and opened a dedicated Reading Room at NATO Headquarters in Brussels. Behind the scenes, the establishment of the NATO Archives and of the Archives Committee also changed the way in which NATO managed its historical records. Up to this point, there was no NATO-wide policy on archives, no organizational archives and no consistency in any of the traditional archival functions. Starting in 1999, NATO could boast a professional archives programme, implemented by trained archivists and governed by a committee of national experts. The programme can claim a string of successes over the last 20 years, implementing archival strategy in novel and unique ways to respond to NATO’s organizational structure. While the Archives are part of NATO’s political headquarters, NATO itself is composed of multiple formal entities under the overall direction of the North Atlantic Council and the Military Committee, including military commands, civilian agencies, military operations etc. Before 1999, each managed their archival material locally, according to internal procedures. This article outlines the Archives’ strategic policies and its governance, involving national experts of all its 30 member nations; presents its increasingly larger and more robust acquisition programme based on a strong and actively managed retention and disposition strategy; assesses its digital preservation activities; and provides an update on NATO’s declassification and public disclosure programme.


1963 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 709-732 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert R. Bowie

The debate over strategy, forces, and nuclear control, which now divides the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), is framed largely in military terms: what is the best way to protect the NATO area and its members from aggression? The military aspects are complex in themselves, but the import of these issues extends far beyond defense. Their handling will greatly affect prospects for a partnership between the United States and a strong, united Europe



1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-186

CouncilThe Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization met in regular ministerial session in Paris on December 17 and 18, 1954, under the chairmanship of Stephanos Stephanopoulos, Foreign Minister of Greece. One of the principal items considered by the Council was the annual review of the military position of NATO, which had been prepared by the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe (SACEUR, Gruenther) and by the Military Committee at its meetings in Washington in November and in Paris immediately preceding the Council meeting. According to press reports, the review showed that defensive rearmament of NATO was virtually completed so far as conventional armaments were concerned. It was reported that SACEUR and the Military Committee recommended that only the air arm of NATO defenses be substantially augmented in 1955, and that even the increases recommended in this regard represented a realization in 1955 of the goals set for 1954 which had not been met. Ground forces in 1954 were said to have been reduced by the equivalent of two divisions by the reduction in periods of conscription in Belgium, Denmark and the Netherlands, the failure of Norway to increase its conscription period and the transfer of French units to north Africa; a reported two percent increase in NATO naval forces was recommended for 1955. Total defense expenditures of European NATO members in 1954 were reported to have fallen 2.4 percent below the 1953 level; the eleven European members were reported to have spent $10,865 million in 1954 as compared with $11,133 million in 1953.



AmS-Skrifter ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Rolf Hammel-Kiesow

This paper explores the limits of the Hanseatic Diet’s ability to regulate Hanseatic trade with Iceland and the North Atlantic island groups of Shetland, Orkney and the Faroes*. It comes to the conclusion that the Hanseatic Diets prohibited direct commercial links to Shetland, Orkney and the Faroes consistently from 1416, but turned a blind eye to the Iceland trade. The reasons for this inconsistent policy were the necessity of maintaining the Bergen’s monopoly on the stockfish trade (which was also in the interest of the Danish-Norwegian crown),  while at the same time keeping the door open for Hanseatic merchants who were not active in the Bergen trade to forge commercial links with Iceland, albeit at their own risk. The representatives of the Hanseatic towns often preferred to leave an issue undecided, in order to keep as many options open as possible. The huge divergence in the interests of merchants and towns forced the Diet to dissemble, pursuing policies out of the public gaze which subverted the resolutions the Diet had passed for public consumption.



2021 ◽  
Vol 02 (06) ◽  
pp. 91-98
Author(s):  
R.R. Marchenkov ◽  

This article highlights the main milestones of Anglo-American coalition cooperation during the Second World War. The military-political aspect of cooperation is touched upon. An approach to the fusion of military mechanisms through the development of the idea of the qualitative use of the forces and means of the allies in compliance with the principle of unity of command is considered. It is concluded that certain fruits of cooperation between the Western allies, primarily within the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, are taken into account in the post-war world. In addition, this article focuses on the position of the United Kingdom in terms of building a post-war security system.



Author(s):  
Fleck Dieter ◽  
Newton Michael A ◽  
Grenfell Katarina

This chapter discusses the use of multinational military units. Some European States, such as Germany, have incorporated large, if not most, parts of their national military forces in permanent multinational units. Many other States including the US are forming ad hoc military units for specific operations. The UN, NATO, and other international organizations are pursuing standby arrangements and high readiness commitments to allow for rapid response. In all these situations command and control issues are to be considered. While there are many different forms of multinational military cooperation, and Sending States will avoid regulating these matters in status-of-forces agreements (SOFAs) with the Receiving State, they are nevertheless relevant for the law and practice of Visiting Forces. This chapter draws some conclusions on the concept of multinational military operations for the North Atlantic Alliance, the European Union, and beyond.



1956 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 220-223

The fifteen countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) were represented by their defense ministers at a conference held in Paris from October 10 to 12, under the chairmanship of Lord Ismay (Vice Chairman of the North Atlantic Council and Secretary General of NATO). The meeting, which was attended by the Standing Group and the Supreme Commanders, was a preliminary to the full ministerial session, to be held in December; it was the first occasion on which the NATO defense ministers met in Council without the foreign or finance ministers. A communique issued at the close of the meeting stated that the meeting had primarily been for the exchange of information, and that the ministers had heard statements on the strategic situation and on western defensive arrangements from General Sir John Whiteley (United Kingdom), Chairman of the Standing Group, and from his colleagues on the Standing Group, General Joseph Lawton Collins (United States), General Jean Valluy (France), General Alfred M. Gruenther (SACEUR), Admiral Jerauld Wright (SACLANT) and several other officers. Following these statements, a useful exchange of views between the defense ministers took place, the communique concluded. It was reported that many of the speakers had concurred in the view that the military potential of the Soviet Union was steadily increasing, especially in the areas of atomic weapons and submarines, that the recently announced decision to reduce the armed forces in the Soviet Union and some of the people's democracies did not modify the potential of communist forces, and that it was therefore indispensable to intensify the NATO military effort, which so far had not met expectations for it.



2019 ◽  
Vol 698 (3) ◽  
pp. 37-58
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Czwołek

The author discusses the scale and scope of military cooperation between Russia and Belarus after 2014. He analyses the changes that have occurred in this area after the Russian intervention in Ukraine. He presents the legal and treaty basis of the Russian-Belarusian cooperation, as well as the main points of contention in bilateral relations. In recent years, the differences in the international policies of both countries have widened. Russia expects its closest ally to support it in its conflict with the North Atlantic Alliance and to unequivocally recognize the legitimacy of the Russian intervention in Ukraine. Russian efforts to deepen integration with Belarus, including the military sphere, have been intense, especially in recent months. The author also draws attention to the cooperation in the field of the armaments industry of both countries, as well as joint military exercises and the process of training Belarusian soldiers at Russian military universities.



1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 218-220

The final communiqué of the second annual meeting of the North Atlantic Council stated that the ministers had agreed upon the establishment at the earliest possible date of an integrated force under centralized command adequate to deter aggression and insure defense of western Europe. The integrated force was to be based on the following principles: a) the force was to be organized and subject to the political and strategic guidance of the appropriate agencies of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization; b) the force was to be under a supreme commander with sufficient delegated authority to ensure effective training of an integrated force by an international staff representing all the nations participating; c) the standing group of the military committee was to be responsible for higher strategic direction of the integrated force. The Defense Committee was requested to recommend the steps necessary to bring the force into being, the changes and simplifications necessary to ensure close working relationships between member governments, the character and composition of the forces to be allocated to the integrated force by the member governments, and the utilization of German manpower–on which subject the Council was agreed that Germany should be enabled to contribute to the buildup of the defense of western Europe.



2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-254
Author(s):  
Daniël M. Grütters

The development of international law vis-à-vis international organizations has been limited and not seen an evolution of mechanisms to settle conflicts involving international organizations. In a world in which the role and importance of international organizations continues to grow, their opaque status under international law is a problem. This article discusses the position of the North Atlantic treaty Organization (‘nato’) as an international organization under international law within the context of military operations. If nato has a distinct legal personality and relevant conduct can be attributed to it, it could face potential claims. In this article I will argue that the procedural bar of functional immunity is limiting claimants from bringing such claims, not only impeding access to justice for individual claimants, but also obstructing the development of the position of international organizations under international law, and that the scope and operation of functional immunity should therefore be limited.



2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Opitz ◽  
◽  
Colleen Strawhacker ◽  
Philip Buckland ◽  
Jackson Cothren ◽  
...  

The North Atlantic Biocultural Organization (NABO) community initiated dataARC to develop digital research infrastructures to support their work on long-term human-ecodynamics in the North Atlantic. These infrastructures were designed to address the challenges of sharing research data, the connections between those data and high-level interpretations, and the interpretations themselves. In parallel, they were also designed to support the reuse of diverse data that underpin transdisciplinary synthesis research and to contextualise materials disseminated widely to the public more firmly in their evidence base. This article outlines the research infrastructure produced by the project and reflects on its design and development. We outline the core motivations for dataARC's work and introduce the tools, platforms and (meta)data products developed. We then undertake a critical review of the project's workflow. This review focuses on our understanding of the needs of stakeholder groups, the principles that guided the design of the infrastructure, and the extent to which these principles are successfully promoted in the current implementation. Drawing on this assessment, we consider how the infrastructure, in whole or in part, might be reused by other transdisciplinary research communities. Finally, we highlight key socio-technical gaps that may emerge as structural barriers to transdisciplinary, engaged, and open research if left unaddressed.



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