A School in Boniville? Political Skills and ‘Primitives’ in Guyane (1930–1969)

2018 ◽  
pp. 105-125
Author(s):  
Edenz Maurice

This chapter argues that debates over the construction or non-construction of a school at Boniville between 1930 and the end of the 1960s demonstrate the threefold originality of this colonial space. Guyane was at the same time peripheral, contested, and autonomous. It explores how, for the Boni, the school served as an instrument by which the educative norms of the coastal colonial society could be appropriated. The actions of Gran Man Difou, who initiated the school project in the 1930s, are considered in terms of strategic action and alliances. The chapter considers what material and symbolic advantages were at stake in the school’s construction—and for whom—particularly given the proximity of Dutch state actions across the river. By their support for the school project, I conclude, the Boni were able to reinforce their collective identity during a period marked by great social disruption, as they were gradually integrated into the French departmental system. The chapter, then, sheds light on a space of mediation at the heart of a territory which itself was marginal—even to the ‘peripheral’ colony of Guyane. Via the negotiations between centre and periphery taking place there during this period, this space became the terrain for the construction of both national and regional identities.

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Sylwia Czachór

Generational differences in artistic representations of the experience of totalitarian past in the new Czech theatre. The article presents an analysis of a number of Czech performances from the years 2007–2013 on the topic of the communist era and reflecting on the changes that have occurred over the past 25 years. Selected directors belong to three generations of artists: the ones already creating in the 1960s, the ones debuting just before or just after the Velvet Revolution and the ones beginning their career in 2000. The comparison of performances produced within a short time clearly shows the differences, both aesthetic and ideological, in the method of recognizing similar issues by the authors growing up in a completely different socio-political conditions. Works of the oldest generation, using conventional theatrical means, reveal the strongest judgmental tendencies, the need to show the ambiguous choices in black and white colors. The average generation contend with the legend of past years, asking difficult questions about the impact of the past on the shape of collective identity. The youngest generation, however, intentionally emphasize that their knowledge about communism is mediated, which encourages them to analyze the history and memory of their families in search of their own roots.Generační rozdíly v uměleckém zobrazování zkušenosti totalitární minulosti v nejnovějším českém divadle. Příspěvek obsahuje analýzu několika českých představení z let 2007–2013, jejichž tématem se stalo období komunismu a reflexe nad proměnami posledních 25 let. Vybraní režiséři patří ke třem generacím umělců:  jedni inscenovali dlouho před rokem 1989, druzí debutovali krátce po sametové revoluci, zatímco třetí zahájili kariéru v roce 2000. Soubor představení vzniklých v malém časovém rozpětí výrazně ukazuje jak estetické, tak světonázorové rozdíly ve způsobu uchopení podobné tematiky autory, kteří vyrůstali ve zcela odlišných společensko-politických podmínkách. Díla nejstarší generace pomocí konvenčních divadelních prostředků projevují nejsilnější tendence posuzovat a odsuzovat, nutnost ukázat nejednoznačné volby v černo-bílých barvách. Střední generace se poměřuje s legendami mi­nulých dob, pokládá obtížné otázky po vlivu minulosti na podobu kolektivní identity. Nejmladší tvůrci pak vědomě zdůrazňují, že jejich znalost komunismu je zprostředkovaná, což je vede k analyzování historie a rodinné paměti při hledání vlastních kořenů.  


1977 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Inglehart

BENEATH THE ACTIVISM OF THE 1960s AND THE SEEMING QUIESCENCE of the 1970s a silent revolution has been occurring which is changing the infrastructure of Western politics in two ways: first, the values of Western publics have been shifting from an almost exclusive emphasis on material and physical security toward greater concern with intangible aspects of life; and secondly, there has been an increase in the political skills of Western publics that enables them to play a more active role in making important political decisions. Both processes tend to broaden the political horizons of these people and have important implications for supranational political integration.


1996 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 196-207
Author(s):  
Jane Moss

The French colonists (‘habitants’) who began settling Canada in the early seventeenth century brought with them the French language, the Catholic religion, and French cultural traditions. These basic elements of ‘le patrimoine’ continued to evolve in the North American context after France abandoned the colony in 1760. Under the influence of a conservative political establishment and the Catholic Church for two centuries, French Canadians perceived themselves as an isolated minority whose duty was to preserve their language, religion, culture, and agrarian traditions. A collective identity crisis during the 1960s led to the conclusion that the old social, educational, and religious institutions had failed to keep up with the forces of modernization, industrialization, and urbanization which had transformed the province. During the period known as the ‘Révolution tranquille’, political reforms gave Quebec greater autonomy within the Canadian confederation, economic reforms improved material conditions, and educational reforms began preparing future generations for productive careers. Rejecting the term ‘Canadien français’ because it connoted colonial status, Quebec intellectuals adopted the term ‘Québécois’ and called for the creation of a national literature, independent from its French roots and its Anglo-American connections. This distinctive Québécois literature would reflect the reality of their lives and speak to them in the language of Quebec.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly Kattari

While some scholars suggest that subcultures are a thing of the past, that we are living in a post-subcultural era, an ethnographic exploration of psychobilly shows that subcultures still play a meaningful role in contemporary society. Since its development in the early 1980s, psychobilly has uniquely blended punk, rockabilly and horror to express countercultural values and aesthetics. Like the groups studied by the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies in the 1960s and 1970s, the psychobilly subculture is characterized by consistent and distinct values and tastes, a shared sense of collective identity, committed involvement over a long period of time, and relative independence from the culture industry. By participating in this obscure but strongly defined subculture, psychobillies not only express their resistance to mainstream culture but also find strategies to manage and improve their lived experience. As a result of their committed subcultural involvement, psychobillies feel alive, or, rather, ‘undead’, a metaphor made all the more symbolic because of the subculture’s interest in a host of undead creatures. This article thus argues for continued application of subcultural theory to understand the significant meaning and impact of participation in non-conformist communities today.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 84 (5) ◽  
pp. A34-A34
Author(s):  
Student

Perry Pre-School Project in Ypsilanti, Michigan. . . began in the 1960s to offer one or two years of education to 3-year-olds from poor families. Researchers calculated that for each dollar spent, society received $7 in higher tax contributions and lower expenditures on remedial education, crime and welfare.


Author(s):  
A. N. Svishcheva

The article is an overview of the first stage in the development of relative deprivation theories during the 1940–1970s: theories of reference group and revolution. The concepts of “relative deprivation” and “reference group” appeared in 1949 and 1942, respectively. Further specification of reference group concept statements by H. Hyman, R. Merton, W. Runciman, R. Williams contributed to the formulation of relative deprivation theory. The definition of the forms of reference objects (individual, collective, social category), types of comparisons, essence and functional types of reference groups (comparative, normative, identification, and audience) allowed to describe types of relative deprivation, its essence, content (cognitive and affective), and also it’s levels: individual and group. However, reference group theorists have also identified a lot of problematic issues requiring further scientific development. One such issue, problems of relative deprivation formation, is considered within the framework of the theories of revolution through the analysis of social changes. Within the theories of revolution of the 1960s–1970s two approaches of understanding the essence of relative deprivation have emerged: theories of frustrationaggression (T. Gurr, J. Davies, D. Lerner, I. and R. Feierabends) and status inconsistency (J. Urry, C. Johnson, E. Hoffer). Works of the adherents of the first approach have made it possible to expand the field of relative deprivation study, but also they have become the subject of wide criticism. Focusing on the reference group theory and problems of collective identity research J. Urry’s approach was better integrated into the tradition of relative deprivation studying.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Runtian Jing ◽  
E. Patrick McDermott

AbstractTransformation is a vital challenge for Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and their top managers. To explore this increasingly important topic, we first summarize the institutional context of SOE transformation and the conflicting interests and interdependent relationships of six major actors as inside/outside stakeholders. Based on the strategic action view of institutional analysis, we emphasize the role of the change agent's level of aspiration and political skills in transforming an SOE. Then, through inductive case studies on the transformation of three SOEs, we address how top managers, acting as change agents, can initiate and engage in institutional change through strategic actions such as negotiation, manipulation, and coercion; we also illustrate how they adopt different actions to influence different actors. Based on the inductive results, we develop a theoretical model, which we refer to as the ‘strategic action model’ that shows how the aspiration level, political skills, strategic actions, and change outcomes interrelate and offer insights into the strategic action of top managers as change agents. Our most important contribution is revealing the interplay between the proactive role of inside actors as change agents and the enabling condition of institutional context.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 1208
Author(s):  
Haiting Chen ◽  
Jingjing Lu

Law and Interdisciplinary research (“Law-and”) has flourished since the 1960s. “Law and literature” is an academic movement under such a background in the United States. The author uses Tomas Hardy's Tess of the d'Urbervilles and Lu Xun's The New-Year Sacrifice to analyze and compare the legal system in British Victorian and Chinese semi-feudal and semi-colonial society, and explores the root causes of the tragic fate of Tess and Xianglin’s Wife. Meanwhile, the paper reveals the predicament of women in the East and West around the 20th century.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Carter

AbstractThe article analyses social and political conflict in Chile during the agrarian reform period of the 1960s and 1970s through a case study of the province of Cautín, in the indigenous heartlands of the south. Using a combination of written and oral sources, it analyses the responses and strategies of landowners descended from nineteenth-century settlers to the emancipatory projects carried out during the presidencies of Eduardo Frei and Salvador Allende. In the context of an increasingly radicalised agrarian reform programme and a growing number of territorial conflicts with the Mapuche communities, this little-studied political actor developed a collective identity, an ideological discourse and a readiness to use violence which provides important insights into the causes of the military coup carried out in 1973.


Author(s):  
Mattias Smångs

This is a theoretical and empirical exploration of how the presence of the Ku Klux Klan across southern communities in the 1960s mediated electoral support for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. The analysis is prompted by divergent perspectives on the impact of working-class whites’ economic grievances and cultural identities in Trump’s victory, and by conjectures of a relationship between past white ethno-racial mobilization and support for Trump. I show that the civil rights–era Klan’s defense of Jim Crow segregation created an enduring legacy of reactionary white collective identity and mobilization that together with contemporary economic and demographic conditions shaped local-level 2016 voting patterns in Trump’s favor. I also discuss the broader implications of the 2016 U.S. presidential election and scholarship into the temporal endurance of racism’s past forms and manifestations.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document