Chinese Students' Experiences in American MFA Programs in Digital Arts

Author(s):  
Edmond Salsali ◽  
Rebecca Ruige Xu

In recent years, the number of Chinese students seeking advanced education in the United States has increased considerably. This paper attempts to compare Chinese students' expectations of the MFA program in digital arts in the U.S. to the actual contents offered by the graduate schools. It addresses the unique challenges they face when pursuing MFA degrees and discuss how they could overcome those challenges to successfully achieve their educational goals, as well as how the MFA programs can assist them in this endeavor. It explains that digital arts curriculums in the US are usually meant to help students achieve an individual approach to the field, while developing their aesthetic and artistic sensibilities through conceptualization. But upon entering graduate schools, Chinese students usually lack proper knowledge of the theory, history, and philosophy of art, which are employed extensively in these programs to engage students in a multidisciplinary practice that emphasizes as much on the conception of the final piece as it does on its technical prowess.

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


Author(s):  
Sergey Rogov

In his presentation, the speaker focuses on the problems in relations between the United States and its European NATO allies. Firstly, he talks about the withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanistan, that Sergey M. Rogov considers the first serious defeat of the Western countries since the foundation of NATO. At the same time, he notes the significant military and economic contribution of the U.S. allies to the operation in Afghanistan, and the fact that the US did not take into account the opinion of its allies as well as the issues that may await European countries and the alliance as a whole in this regard. Second, the speaker notes the huge difference in military spending and military capabilities between the United States and the European allies, and concludes that NATO countries will continue to be militarily dependent on the United States. In nuclear sphere, despite the approval of the START III extension by the Biden administration, European countries did not actively resist the collapse of the INF Treaty and the U.S. withdrawal from the Open Skies Treaty. The forthcoming deployment of American missiles in Poland and the Baltic states will further exacerbate of the NATO-Russia crisis. J. Biden's support for the sole purpose concept, which to certain extent implies no first use of nuclear weapons, jeopardizes the U.S. security obligations towards its European allies. Fourth, there is the problem of "new" NATO members, which make minimal contribution to common security, but require economic support and protection from possible Russian aggression. In conclusion, the problem of the U.S.-China confrontation is considered, where the US is actively seeking to involve European countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-56
Author(s):  
Sai Polineni

President Obama's and President Xi Jinping's visits to Tanzania — and the associated jubliation and fanfare accompanying them — seem to validate much of what has been written in the past few years of the supposed competition between the United States and China for influence and resources in Africa, with many authors proclaiming that the U.S. was losing this competition. Aside from propagating the idea that Africa is some sort of homogenous collection of people, ideas, and cultures, many of these authors view the role of Africa as primarily an economic battleground in which the U.S and China must battle to determine control while ignoring the fact that the differing strengths and focuses of the American and Chinese economies do not lend themselves to any sort of outright competition in Africa. 


Author(s):  
David Nieto

The present paper engages in a historical analysis and interpretation of the policies that have contributed to develop bilingual education in the United States. Departing from the U.S. interpretation of bilingual education, this study examines each of the educational programs that have been implemented in the country since the twentieth century, its pedagogical underpinnings, and the critical evaluation of its outcomes. The paper concludes with an analysis of potential interpretations and lessons that the US case may have for other contexts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-97
Author(s):  
Jinhyun Lee

The Paris Agreement made a breakthrough amid the deadlock in climate negotiations, yet concerns are raised regarding how much impact the new voluntary climate regime can make. This paper investigates the socialization mechanism that the Paris Agreement sets up and explores the prospects of “institutional transformation” for it to make a dent. It examines the factors that can facilitate voluntary climate action by using the cases of the most recalcitrant emitters, the United States and China. It argues that the US and China cases suggest that the socialization from the bottom-up by domestic actors may be one of the critical elements that determine states’ position on climate change.


FEDS Notes ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (2945) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hunter L. Clark ◽  
◽  
Anna Wong ◽  

The United States' bilateral goods trade deficit with China appeared to have narrowed substantially since the escalation of the U.S.-China trade conflict in 2018, or so U.S. trade data suggest. By contrast, the Chinese data tell a much different story: the deficit, as implied by China's bilateral surplus, nearly reached historical highs by the end of 2020.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 50-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabio Massimo Parenti

The growing importance of China in the global economy affects the reconfiguration of the international geography of power. In this scenario, the geopolitical order will be significantly redefined by the evolution of relations between China and the U.S. Based on the outcome of previous studies, and on the extensive efforts made by some social scientists, this paper provides a systematic analysis of the complexity and strategic implications of China–US relations. To make sense of these multivalent relations, after an initial introduction the paper is organized in three sections. The first section explores the structurally asymmetrical nature of relations between China and the US, focusing on economic policy decisions made by national elites. The second section focuses on the deepening U.S. debt, also underscoring the latest transformation trends experienced by an international monetary system that is still dollar–centred, and which several parties deem to be unsustainable. Lastly, the third section tries to provide evidence that growing instability in the global geopolitical order is intimately related to the economic and financial unbalances between China and the U.S. Hence, promoting more effective cooperation between China and the United States seems to be a priority. As substantiated in this paper, cooperation should, however, make the most of the Chinese developmental path, compared to that adopted by the United States – in terms of economic governance and geopolitical developmental path.


EDIS ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2005 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renee M. Goodrich ◽  
Keith R. Schneider ◽  
C. D. Webb ◽  
Douglas L. Archer

Since the attacks of 9/11, vulnerabilities of the nation's infrastructure have been analyzed and discussed. The United States (U.S.) has identified the protection of national systems and infrastructure, such as the transportation, communication, water supply, and agriculture networks, as priorities to defend against terrorism. This document is FSHN05-21, one of the Food Safety and Biosecurity White Paper Series, Food Science and Human Nutrition Department, UF/IFAS Extension. Original publication date October 2005.  FSHN0521/FS126: Agroterrorism in the US: An Overview (ufl.edu)


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (111) ◽  
pp. 78-84
Author(s):  
Haydee Yulan Negrete ◽  
Jorge Garcia Regalado ◽  
Deisy Medina Zambrano ◽  
Anthony Limones Salazar

This paper aims to analyze the importance of rose exports to the US market over the total GDP of Ecuador and what is the importance of this market for the country's economy. A documentary research design methodology and part of a bibliographic search were used; In addition, a type of integral correlational research was used, applying the least squares method where the floriculture sector was taken into account, this time the subdivision of roses directed to the United States market. In conclusion, the export of roses to the US market does not have high explanatory significance, which is why it is recommended to use other variables for possible subsequent studies, in turn, the GDP of Ecuador for the period (2015-2019) does not suffer large variations due to this subdivision from the flowers. Keywords: exports, rose, GDP, Ecuador. References [1]A. Yagual., S. Lovato and M. Mite.,“Importancia de la exportación de flores sobre total exportaciones FOB no tradicionales en Ecuador 2012-2016”. Revista Espacios, 39(18), (2018). [2]PRO ECUADOR. (2018). www.proecuador.gob.ec. Obtenido de www.proecuador.gob.ec: https://www.proecuador.gob.ec/tag/rosas/ [3]EXPOFLORES. (2018). expoflores.com. Obtenido de expoflores.com: https://expoflores.com/informes-economicos-2015-2018/ [4]“Ficha Sectorial: Cultivo de Rosas”. Coorporación Financiera Nacional (CFN). Quito: Subgerencia de Análisis e Información(2017). [5]Banco Central del Ecuador. (2020). www.bce.fin.ec. [6]“Cifras Macroeconómicas del Ecuador”. Federación Nacional de Cámaras de Comercio del Ecuador Cámara de Comercio de Guayaquil, Departamento de Investigación y Proyectos, (2019). [7]S. Pino, H. Aguilar, A. Apolo, and L. Sisalema, “Aporte del sector agropecuario a la economía del Ecuador. Análisis crítico de su evolución en el período de dolarización. Años 2000 – 2016”. Revista Espacios, 39(32),(2018). [8]P. Alvarez, A. Crespo, F. Núñez, and C. Usabiaga, “Introducción de elementos autorregresivos”. Revista Dinámica de Sistemas en modelos de dinámica de sistemas, 2(1), 37-66 (2006).  


2021 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 2150001
Author(s):  
Yinhong Shi

Due to the serious perverse actions of the Trump administration in the fields of strategic rivalry, political/ideological confrontation, diplomatic exchanges and trade war between China and the United States as well as in that of global governance, Biden’s new administration is bound to make revisions somewhat and somehow. However, the current posture of the United States toward China is not only strong and enduring international structural dynamics in many aspects, but also multilateral strong and enduring domestic political and social ones. Therefore, its revision is to be necessarily quite partial and limited, and the confrontation and competition with China in some other areas will probably intensify. To a large extent, the trend of China–US relations after the US election could be influenced or even shaped by China, so China’s strategy and policy and appropriate adjustment are of great importance. China needs to take the initiative to avoid military conflicts with the United States, treating it as the essential highest common interest and the vital “common denominator” and to strive for a sort of pragmatic, focused and concrete dialogue or negotiation with the Biden administration as soon as possible after it took office.


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