Creative Industries in the Smart City

Author(s):  
Cristobal Collignon de Alba ◽  
Jürgen Haberleithner ◽  
Maricela Mireya Reyes López

In this overview, the authors consider the political dimension of creativity on the Smart Cities. The subject is approached on a disambiguation between the concepts of creativity and innovation in which the role of the market is crucial. The main arguments depart from Realism and its international perspective, in an effort to explain the reasons why governments would consider fostering potentially disruptive creativity on their societies. The authors take the discussion to power institutions that could be considered as non-democratic or less prone to political and social change, as some countries in East Asia and Latin America seem to be. The final remarks signal that a framework for the development for Smart Cities loaded with western values and appreciation for creativity, are unlikely to take hold on the societies aforementioned. Special frameworks of reference based on different sets of values must be drawn to fit with local institutions of power and social control.

2019 ◽  
pp. 1515-1534
Author(s):  
Cristobal Collignon de Alba ◽  
Jürgen Haberleithner ◽  
Maricela Mireya Reyes López

In this overview, the authors consider the political dimension of creativity on the Smart Cities. The subject is approached on a disambiguation between the concepts of creativity and innovation in which the role of the market is crucial. The main arguments depart from Realism and its international perspective, in an effort to explain the reasons why governments would consider fostering potentially disruptive creativity on their societies. The authors take the discussion to power institutions that could be considered as non-democratic or less prone to political and social change, as some countries in East Asia and Latin America seem to be. The final remarks signal that a framework for the development for Smart Cities loaded with western values and appreciation for creativity, are unlikely to take hold on the societies aforementioned. Special frameworks of reference based on different sets of values must be drawn to fit with local institutions of power and social control.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 18-31
Author(s):  
Kevin Rogan

Critical data studies have made great strides in bringing together data analysts and urban design, providing an extensible concept which is useful in visualizing the role of local and planetary data networks. But in the light of the experience of Sidewalk Labs, critical data studies need a further push. As smart cities, algorithmic urbanisms, and sensorial regimes inch closer and closer to reality, critical data studies remain woefully blind to economic and political issues. Data remains undertheorized for its economic content as a commodity, and the political ramifications of the data assemblages remain locked in a proto-political schema of good and bad uses of this vast network of data collection, analysis, research, and organization. This paper attempts to subject critical data studies to a rigorous critique by deepening its relationship to the history thus far of Sidewalk Labs’ project in Quayside, Toronto. It is broken into sections. The first section discusses the material reality of Kitchin and Lauriault’s (2014) data assemblages and data landscapes. The second section investigates data itself and what its ‘inherent’ value means in an economic sense. The third section looks at the way the understanding of data promoted by the data assemblage effects smart city design. The fourth section examines the role of the designer in shepherding this vision, and moreover the data assemblage, into existence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-77
Author(s):  
Kamau Wango

Artistic commemoration of leaders and other iconic personalities has been in existence for centuries. Statues in particular have been used as a fitting avenue for the commemoration of political leaders and other luminaries in many fields. The premise upon which statues are made is that the subjects featured initiated and attained, in their lifetimes, concrete achievements that significantly impacted upon the lives of their fellow human beings. Other criteria for commemoration include proven integrity, dedication and selflessness in the service of the country and citizens. Statues as an integral part of public art have often generated substantial controversy on various fronts in many countries. Some of these gravitate around issues such as disputed likeness, queries about the fundamental achievements cited of the subject, at times open protests on the actions, character and integrity of the subject as well as the location of the statues. Other areas of contention include the implication of the presence of statues upon the political psyche of the country and their long-time impact on history, the youth and posterity. This paper examines the extent to which African countries have embraced this mode of artistic rendition to commemorate African political leaders in a way that is commensurate to their achievements. It is outside the scope of this paper to delve into the intricate web of back-and-forth arguments about the ‘concreteness’ of the legacies of the featured leaders who are mainly founding political figures of the respective countries. The paper, however, analyses the artistic essence of the selected statues in terms of their visual impact and whether they are indeed useful in articulating the legacies of the subjects and further, whether they ultimately bear ‘enduring visual value’ that spurs conversation and insight into these legacies. Statues must, at the very least, spur debate and conversation into the legacy of the featured subject. It becomes a form of constant interrogation as history itself takes its course; controversy is not necessarily a negative occurrence since it forms part of this discourse. The concept of immortalization, which is what initiators of statues often hope for is much harder to achieve and difficult to define. The paper examines 20 statues of African political leaders in different African Countries.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
João Carlos Amoroso Botelho

Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) e Ianni (1975) aplicaram a noção de populismo à América Latina, muito se escreveu sobre o tema. O conceito se estirou tanto que tem servido para definir políticos os mais díspares. Com a ausência das condições socioeconômicas descritas pelas formulações clássicas, a estratégia adotada é limitar a categoria à dimensão política. Esse procedimento, porém, não é capaz de descrever atributos exclusivos suficientes para que o populismo seja um fenômeno específico. Ao mesmo tempo, o conceito está tão enraizado que não é viável abandoná-lo. A solução proposta é avaliar em quais características um político se aproxima e se afasta dos casos paradigmáticos do passado. Assim, ele pode ser populista em certos aspectos e não em outros. Com esse procedimento, se chega a uma classificação, em que um líder apresente mais ou menos atributos descritos pelas definições clássicas, eliminando a necessidade de reformulação constante do conceito para adaptá-lo a novas circunstâncias. Também haveria menos espaço a que o rótulo de populista continuasse servindo para desqualificar políticos latino-americanos. O artigo aborda definições clássicas e recentes aplicadas à América Latina e avalia a viabilidade empírica da estratégia de se concentrar na dimensão política.---LA APLICACIÓN DEL CONCEPTO DE POPULISMO AMÉRICA LATINA: la necesidad de clasificar, y no descalificar Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) y Ianni (1975) aplicaron la noción de populismo a la América Latina, mucho se ha escrito sobre el tema. El concepto se ha estirado tanto que ha definido políticos muy dispares. Con la ausencia de las condiciones socioeconómicas descritas por las formulaciones clásicas, la estrategia adoptada es concentrarse en la dimensión política. Ese procedimiento, sin embargo, no es capaz de describir atributos exclusivos suficientes para que el populismo sea un fenómeno específico. Al mismo tiempo, el concepto está tan enraizado que no es viable abandonarlo. La solución propuesta es evaluar en cuales características un político se acerca y se aleja de los casos paradigmáticos del pasado. Así, ello puede ser populista en ciertos aspectos y no en otros. Con ese procedimiento, se llega a una clasificación, en que un líder presente más o menos atributos descritos por las definiciones clásicas, eliminando la necesidad de reformulación constante del concepto. También habría menos espacio a que el rótulo de populista continuase sirviendo para descalificar políticos latinoamericanos. El artículo presenta definiciones clásicas y recientes aplicadas a la América Latina y discute la viabilidad empírica de la estrategia de concentrarse en la dimensión política.Palabras-clave: populismo; América Latina; casos paradigmáticos; clasificación.---THE APPLICATION OF THE CONCEPT OF POPULISM IN LATIN AMERICA: the need to classify and not disqualifyEver since authors such as Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) and Ianni (1975) applied the notion of populism in Latin America, much has been written on the subject. The concept stretched out so much that it has served to define the most dissimilar politicians. In the absence of socioeconomic conditions described by classical formulations, the strategy adopted is to restrict the category to the political dimension. Such a procedure, however, is not capable of describing adequate particular attributes that populism would be a specific phenomenon. At the same time, the concept is so deeply embedded in our society that it is not feasible to abandon it. The proposed solution is to evaluate in which characteristics a politician reaches and moves away from the paradigmatic cases of the past. Thus, it can be populist in some respects and not in others. In such a procedure, we arrive at a classification in which a leader shows more or less attributes described by classical definitions, eliminating the need for constant reformulation of the concept to adapt it to new circumstances. Also, there would be less space to which the label of populist would continue to serve to disqualify Latin American politicians. The article discusses recent and classic settings applied to Latin America and assesses the empirical viability of focusing on the political dimension strategy.Key words: populism; Latin America; paradigmatic cases; classification.


2022 ◽  
pp. 126-143
Author(s):  
Zsuzsanna Tomor

While the role of citizens in smart cities is hotly debated, there is a dearth of empirical research on the subject. This in-depth study of a European city, selected for its typical smart city ambitions, explores the roles that citizens actually play in smart city projects. The study examines twelve initiatives in the City of Utrecht (NL) using a framework that differentiates between types of citizen participation. The findings show that technology-enabled citizen participation in Utrecht is highly diverse and embraces all types of participation rather than simply taking the form of either “citizen empowerment” (as the advocates argue) or “citizen subjugation' (as the critics stress). The diversity found in the study highlights the need to conceptualize the role of the smart citizen at the micro (project) level rather than at the level of the city as a whole. The study shows that citizen participation in the smart city should not be understood as a technological utopia or dystopia but as an evolving, technologically mediated practice that is shaped by a variety of factors.


1964 ◽  
Vol 54 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 33-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fergus Millar

No analysis of the political character of the Empire can avoid the question of finance. The various sources of revenue of the Emperor and the res publica, the role of the private wealth of the Emperor, the nature of his control over public funds, the question of how and when various public revenues were taken by him—a satisfactory political interpretation of the early Empire must take account of all these.This article attempts merely to take a second preliminary step towards such an interpretation. Its aim is to set out as clearly as possible the evidence as to the nature of the Aerarium and the functions of its officials, and, above all, to avoid the anachronistic approach which our language itself so readily invites. Not all anachronistic views of the subject have had the beautiful obviousness of Ramsay's contribution: even to speak of the ‘world-wide financial administration’ of the Aerarium will prove to be misleading.


1991 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rob Baggott

ABSTRACTThis article explores the role of political agents, institutions, circumstances, and ideas in the development of public health policies in Britain. The first part attempts to define public health. The second section of the article looks at the experience of the Victorian public health movement. The final part considers the re-emergence of the public health perspective. The underlying theme of the article is that an awareness of the political dimension, both contemporary and historical, improves our understanding of developments in the field of public health. The main conclusions reached are: first, that given the formidable political obstacles which exist, public health reform will only succeed if the reformers themselves operate with full awareness of the political dimension; second, that the modern public health debate is unlikely to be resolved in the short term.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 560-585
Author(s):  
Sinja Graf

This essay theorizes how the enforcement of universal norms contributes to the solidification of sovereign rule. It does so by analyzing John Locke’s argument for the founding of the commonwealth as it emerges from his notion of universal crime in the Second Treatise of Government. Previous studies of punishment in the state of nature have not accounted for Locke’s notion of universal crime which pivots on the role of mankind as the subject of natural law. I argue that the dilemmas specific to enforcing the natural law against “trespasses against the whole species” drive the founding of sovereign government. Reconstructing Locke’s argument on private property in light of universal criminality, the essay shows how the introduction of money in the state of nature destabilizes the normative relationship between the self and humanity. Accordingly, the failures of enforcing the natural law require the partitioning of mankind into separate peoples under distinct sovereign governments. This analysis theorizes the creation of sovereign rule as part of the political productivity of Locke’s notion of universal crime and reflects on an explicitly political, rather than normative, theory of “humanity.”


2006 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Silvina Gvirtz ◽  
Silvina Larripa ◽  
Verónica Oelsner

This article presents results from different research investigations which have explored the relations between the technical and the political dimension of the assessment of educational systems. The case study taken on for this matter is the national evaluation system in force in Argentina since 1993. In the first part we present some technical problems which the implementation of this system has encountered in this country. In the second part we carry out an analysis of these technical inconveniences, within the political context of educational reform in which the evaluation system arises and develops. In addition, we present an analysis of the effective use of the information provided by the evaluations. Finally, in the conclusions, we present some considerations on the role of national evaluations in educational reform contexts, and on the prospects of their consolidation as systems which inform in a valid and reliable form about the course of education in the mid and long term.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-164
Author(s):  
Wioletta Husar-Poliszuk

AbstractThe Corrida de tores, as an important component of Spanish culture, has also been the subject of a dispute between the aficionados (supporters of the corrida) and the antitaurinos (opponents of the corrida) for centuries. Naturally, the spectacle has become an object of interest for researchers not only in the socio-cultural context, where it is becoming a spectacle full of artistry, accompanied by great emotions, or a tradition in some aspects resembling the Fiesta Nacional, but also becoming increasingly important on the political, moral and ethical level. The latter is related to the issue of animal protection and their humane treatment, while in the political dimension the links between the taurammatic tradition and the actions of political decision-makers are mainly analysed. Importantly, in the Catalan and Spanish public spaces, the corrida has become a national sporting role, with similar links to politics. In the light of the Catalan-Spanish antagonisms, this perspective is gaining particular importance, as evidenced, for example, by the flashback of football competition (Real Madrid FC vs. FC Barcelona) in the country under Francisco Franco’s regime, where sporting competition became an exemplary political game.The aim of the article is to analyze the dispute between politicians in Madrid and Catalanists and independents in the region in the context of the banning of the de toros corrida in Catalonia in 2010 and the reaction of the centre’s decision making centre to these actions. Moreover, the motives for this ban are sought, whether they are of an autotelic nature - in this case, the protection of animal rights -or whether they show the traits of instrumental use of tradition, de facto considered to be a “foreign”, because Spanish, part of the rhetoric and real policy pursued by Catalan nationalists and independents in the era of radicalisation of the independence movement in Catalonia.


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