Future of the Eastern Partnership in the Region

Author(s):  
Aaron Thomas Walter

The aim of this chapter is to examine the main objectives and key challenges of the EU's Eastern Partnership (EaP). In this effort, the outlook and aspirations of the EU's policy towards its eastern neighbors (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine) are explored, and the key issues of the (eastern dimension) policy are discussed as well offering key forecasts as to the EaP future. The chapter endeavors to show that, while relatively new, the EaP has enhanced the role of the EU at the global level in terms of foreign, security, and defense policy. Despite the war in Donbas and the crisis in Ukraine and unresolved issues in the Eastern Neighborhood on matters of governance, democracy, and economy, progress continues improving the EaP.

Author(s):  
Vadim V. Trukhachev ◽  

Austria was one of the countries that played an important role in the development of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program, that is aimed at the rapproachment of six post-Soviet states closer to European Union. In addition to promoting the program at the national level, that is strongly associated with the name of Chancellor Sebastian Kurz, the Austrians were also responsible for it at the EU level. Suffice it to say that the Austrians Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Johannes Hahn held the positions of European commis- sioners responsible for foreign and neighborhood policy of the European Union for many years. In 2018, Austria was the EU Presidency, and the promotion of the Eastern Partnership has become one of the priorities of the Austrian pres- idency. Especially noteworthy is the role of Austria in the settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine, where the Austrians acted on the line of not only the European Union, but also the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the special representative of the Organization for the Donbas became the Austrian Martin Sajdik. In addition, Austria did a lot for the devel- opment of relations between the European Union and Belarus. In general, the share of Austrian responsibility for the successes and failures of the develop- ment of relations between the European Union and the six post-Soviet states of the Eastern Partnership program should be recognized as very significant.


2011 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Harker ◽  
Sebastian Peyer ◽  
Kathryn Wright

AbstractThe appropriate role of the courts in controlling the discretion of merger authorities has become one of the key issues in European merger law and policy in recent years. This article investigates judicial review of merger decisions, taking a comparative approach by examining cases from the EU, UK and Germany. We observe an apparent increase in the willingness of the EU and UK courts to scrutinize merger decisions, and a long-standing tradition of close scrutiny in Germany. In respect of the EU and UK, we consider agency theory offers a convincing explanation—that increased scrutiny is explained by the need to enhance the credibility of merger policy. In Germany, the constitutional basis of judicial review differs significantly, and the relatively close scrutiny exercised by the court is better explained by the very different constitutional context.


This volume is timely in that it explores key issues which are currently at the forefront of the EU’s relations with its eastern neighbours. It considers the impact of a more assertive Russia, the significance of Turkey, the limitations of the Eastern Partnership with Belarus and Moldova, the position of a Ukraine in crisis and pulled between Russia and the EU, security and democracy in the South Caucasus. It looks at the contested nature of European identity in areas such as the Balkans. In addition it looks at ways in which the EU’s interests and values can be tested in sectors such as trade and migration. The interplay between values, identity and interests and their effect on the interpretation of europeanisation between the EU and its neighbours is a core theme of the volume.


European View ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-232
Author(s):  
Giselle Bosse

Since the launch of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) in 2009, the scope and content of democratic reforms has varied significantly across the six partner countries despite the EU’s increased interest in and commitment to differentiated bilateral relations. The quality of democracy in Ukraine continuously declined between 2010 and 2014, but has significantly improved since then. Armenia has long been considered a semi-autocratic state, but since its Velvet Revolution in 2018 the new government has embarked on promising democratic reforms. Moldova, a country once considered the front-runner of the EaP, has experienced democratic backsliding since 2014, while democratic reform progress in Georgia has slowed considerably. The autocratic regimes in Azerbaijan and Belarus have further consolidated their power, without showing signs of democratic change. The article outlines some of the key issues and developments pertaining to democratic reforms in each country and assesses the factors that explain the uneven progress in this area across the six EaP countries.


Author(s):  
Agnieszka Legucka ◽  
◽  
Agata Włodkowska

Contestation remains a signifi cant factor in the EU neighbourhood. The aim of this article is to elaborate on the role of external actors – namely the European Union and the Russian Federation – in managing local and regional contestation. The latter is defined as incompatibilities between two or more competing views about how political, economic, social, and territorial order should be established and/or sustained. Competing interests between the EU and Russia concern many issues; the model of political system in the neighbourhood (democracy vs. authoritarianism), the model and direction of the economic integration of these countries (European or Eurasia integration), and the infrastructure and availability of gas and oil (energy disputes). The common neighbourhood, which concerns EU Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine), has become an area of rivalry rather than cooperation between the EU and Russia. The first seeks to stabilise the post-Soviet area, while Russia exploits local destabilisations and conflicts to maintain its influence there.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 149-163
Author(s):  
Łukasz Wojcieszak

Between chances and barriers. Current problems of cooperation between the European Union and BelarusThe article shows the complexity of the relationship between the European Union and Belarus. Despite efforts of the EU diplomacy these relations have faced a number of problems since years. Currently, they entered into a new phase, which raises hope for a closer cooperation. The author shows the importance of the relationship between Belarus and Russia, development of EU relations over the past years and the role of the Eastern Partnership and Poland as a country particularly interested in developing cooperation with Belarus. The author presents the areas of cooperation with Belarus, in particular he focuses on the economic aspect of the cooperationEven though the relationship between the EU and Belarus currently develops it is not clear if this will continue in the future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-31
Author(s):  
Takis Tridimas

Although the ECJ has used general principles of law as a source of rights and obligations from an early stage in the development of EU law, key issues regarding their definition, nature and role as a source of law remain unresolved. How can they be identified? What is their normative basis? Are there rules determining priorities among them and how do they relate to Charter rights? How has their role evolved? Diverse and often bewildering judicial terminology serves to obfuscate the role of principles which, in terms of positive law, stand at the apex of the EU law edifice. This article seeks to revisit some of those questions. It explores the meaning of 'Europeanisation; it attempts a typology of general principles; it seeks to identify their normative basis; and assesses their role both as generators of jus communae and as a source of constitutional conflict.


2016 ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Leszek Graniszewski

In the article the author draws his attention to the differences between the position of the Committee as a social conscience of the EU (that has been declared in the treaties and declarations) and the practical possibilities to fulfil this role and its results. The analysis featured covers the structure and the manner of operation of the Committee, and, in particular, the functions actually fulfilled by the Committee in its role of the bridge between the EU and the organised civil society.


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