International Political Communication

The first chapter serves as an introduction to international political communication and associated terms. It dwells upon the difference of political communication in international relations and international political communication, also showing the functions and typology of the phenomenon, focusing especially on how connected international political communication is to media and how this connection further intensifies with time due to globalization processes and technological advancements of last few decades. Among the objectives attempted by the chapter is to introduce the reader to all crucial concepts of international political communication before moving in swiftly to its relation with universal codes of media in the very next chapter.

2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (02) ◽  
pp. 456-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff Colgan

ABSTRACTGender diversity is good for the study of international relations (IR) and political science. Graduate training is an opportunity for scholars to affect the demographics of their field and the gendered practices within it. This article presents a first-cut investigation of the degree to which gender bias exists in graduate IR syllabi. The author found that the gender of the instructor for graduate courses matters significantly for what type of research is taught, in two ways. First, on average, female instructors assign significantly more research by female authors than male instructors. Second, women appear to be considerably more reluctant than men about assigning their own research as required readings. Some but not all of the difference between male- and female-taught courses might be explained by differences in course composition.


Author(s):  
Ronald B. Mitchell

International lawyers and legal scholars often assess the effects of international environmental agreements (IEAs) in terms of the extent to which states comply with their commitments. International relations scholars tend to examine IEA effects through a broader set of questions. They are concerned with any behavioural or environmental changes that can be attributed to an IEA – whether these changes involve compliance or not and regardless of whether these changes were desired, unintended, or even perverse. International relations scholars also focus on the reasons why states change their behaviour and what aspects, if any, of an IEA explain those behavioural changes. To see the difference between these approaches, consider four categories of behaviour: treaty-induced compliance, coincidental compliance, good faith non-compliance, and intentional non-compliance. This article reviews the theoretical terrain and shows that nominally ‘competing’ perspectives have different insights to offer those seeking to improve the practice of international environmental law.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirza Shahreza

Ethics of communication in politics is the value of communicating in political events. Political problems are activities in the highest hierarchy of social life. So this study will focus on political communicators, political messages and political channels. Political communicators are the main actors or who initiate the formation of messages up to the use of certain channels addressed to the recipients of political messages (political audiences). Political problems not only occur linearly (one-way), or interactionally limited in the form of action-reaction in the form of feedback (feedback) only, but there is a continuous (transactional). Transactionally materialized in the presence of "crucial talks". Starting from the first stage, which is a small talk in the form of consultation and minimal coordination between two or more political communicators, this atmosphere is because among them still the same in terms of views and interests. The second stage, the talks are in the form of discussions, negotiations or political lobbying between two or more compromises to determine the technical solution, because this stage of the different views but still an important one. The third stage, which is a crucial conversation where there are differences of views and differences of interests. Crucial conversation is a discussion between two or more people when (1) high stakes, (2) different opinions, and (3) High emotions. These conditions are usually resolved by voting or by walkout. In the face of a crucial conversation we can do three things: avoid, face in a good way, and deal with it in a bad way. Facing elections, feud is a necessity, there are differences of view will make the society split into two or several axis of politics. The election result that determines the winning Party that will propose the presidential candidate will be colored by political messages in the form of persuasive or negative (negative and black campaign). So that we can always keep the unity and the unity of the nation we must understand the meaning of politics with the maturity of thinking and empathy in the difference, so hopefully we can be a wise man.


This chapter dwells upon a construct of origin story and self-made pastiche in universal codes of media, as seen through international political communication. The main case upon which effectiveness of the constructs are demonstrated is the case of overwhelming media presence of certain politicians, which transcends into narrative fiction. Analyzed is the phenomena of Presidents of the United States and their appearances in movies, comics, and music, which is the case for every US President ever. Supplied are results of author's own empirical research on subjects which concerns all three mediums. Additionally, dissected are the concepts of American dream, mystery men, and media presence of certain politicians showcased both retrospectively and contemporarily.


Author(s):  
Alexander Bukh

This chapter summarizes the findings of this book. It draws a number of conclusions regarding the factors that spur the emergence of territorial disputes—related national identity entrepreneurship, and analyzes the factors that account for the difference in the social reception of the narratives in the respective societies. It also outlines the implications of these case studies for our understanding of the social construction of a disputed territory and for the broader constructivist International Relations literature on national identity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kai Monheim

Management of a multilateral negotiation has frequently played a crucial role in developing global regimes but is often ignored in International Relations theory. The long-awaitedunclimate summit in Copenhagen, for example, broke down in 2009 but negotiations reached agreement one year later in Cancún. This article argues that power and interests remained largely constant between Copenhagen and Cancún, and that significantly altered negotiation management by the host government and theunexplains much of the difference. An analytical framework is presented to address whether and how the management of a multilateral negotiation by the organizers increases or decreases the probability of agreement. The empirical focus is on the Danish and Mexican Presidencies of climate negotiations, with extensive evidence from participant observation and 55 interviews with senior negotiators, high-levelunofficials, and lead organizers. The argument adds to the scholarship on regime development by complementing structural with process analysis.


1924 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Harry A. Garfield

It used to be said by a certain learned professor opposed to departure from old and familiar paths, “Gentlemen, all progress is change, but not all change is progress.”In every department of human affairs, in every quarter of the civilized world, the contrast between conditions in the late eighties and the present time is amazing—not conditions only but the difference in attitudes, in beliefs, in human relations. We may well ask ourselves, Whither? Certainly it is incumbent upon us to consider the character of these changes—whether they are making for progress—and what steps we are taking or can take to meet them. I ask you to consider with me two aspects of this question, one affecting industrial and the other international relations. In each case the proposals heretofore offered to meet the situation appear to fall into one of two categories, the first mechanistic, the second educative; the first, an attempt to meet a new situation by introducing new devices of control; the second by a process of education to modify or change men's attitude and belief.


2019 ◽  
pp. 42-53
Author(s):  
Taras CHUGUJ ◽  

Background: the issue of the study of Rus’-Polish relations in the context of the struggle of Danylo and Vasylko Romanoviches for the paternal heritage is important at the present stage of the development of the historical research. Interstate relations between Rus’ and Poland in the first half of the 13th century need extensive analysis for finding out their peculiarities. Purpose: to objectively cover the peculiarities of the international relations of Rus’ and Poland during the Romanoviches’ struggle for the paternal inheritance in 1205–1245. For this it is necessary to consider topical issues of the Rus’-Polish relations, to analyze the discussion aspects of the policy of the Polish princes concerning the Volyn and Galicia lands, to determine the peculiarities of the interstate relations of Rus’, Poland, Hungary and the Golden Horde. Results: Rus’-Polish relations of the times of Danylo and Vasylko Romanoviches’ struggle for paternal heritage were complicated. Chronologically there are several periods: the first – 1205–1227, the second – 1227–1235, and the third – 1235–1245. If during the first period the political dependence of the young Danylo and Vasylko on the experienced Leshko Bilyi was observed, then after the death of prince of Little Poland, during the second period, the Romanoviches became allies of Conrad I. When the prince of Mazovia decided to support Mikhailo Vsevolodovich in the fight for Galych the third period began. The alternation of peaceful, hostile and allied relations between the rulers of Rus’ and Poland is common to all the three periods. The difference is that there was a change in the political priorities of the Polish princes depending on the changes in the position of Danylo and Vasylko. The victory of the Romanoviches in the Yaroslav battle in 1245 was a logical finish of the forty-years struggle of Roman Mstislavoviches’ sons for their father’s inheritance. Key words: Rus’-Polish relations, Volyn land, Galych land, Danylo Romanovich, Vasylko Romanovich, Leshko Bilyi, Konrad I Mazowiecki.


The chapter dissects political tradition through a cultural prism of universal values, concentrating on globalized indoctrinations of dictatorship and democracy and their input in the widespread of global populism. Additionally, it established direct link between universal values as a structural element in universal codes of media, political tradition as it exists in media and in real life and indigenous to this research universal value of death. The latter is formulated in conjunction with political meaning and previously established universal values, providing a wide meaning of death in universal codes of media in international political communication, not only as the opposite of life, but also as a representation of many other aspects of human life.


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