scholarly journals Nurcholish Madjid's thoughts on Islamic politics in Indonesia

Author(s):  
Choeroni Choeroni ◽  
Azwan Pratama
Keyword(s):  
1970 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurul Aini Musyarofah

The relationship between Islam and state raises a controversy that includes two main groups;formalists and substantialists. Both of them intend to achieve a good social condition which is inaccordance with Islamic politics. The ideal form of good society to be achieved is principallydescribed in the main source of Islamic law, Al Qur’an and As Sunnah, as follows. A form of goodsociety should supprot equality and justice, egalitarianism, and democracy in its social community.The next problem is what the needed methods and instruments to achieve the ideal Islamic politicsare. In this case, the debate on the formalization and substance of Islamic teaching is related to therunning formal political institution.Each group claims itself to be the most representative to the ideal Islam that often leads to anescalating conflict. On the other hand thr arguments of both groups does not reach the wholeMuslims. As a result, the discourse of Islam and state seems to be elitist and political. As a result,Both groups suspect each other each other and try to utilize the controversy on the relationshipbetween Islam and state to get their own benefit which has no relation with the actualization ofIslamic teaching.


Al-Risalah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zubaidi

Islamic politics in Indonesia is very distinctive and has characteristics as a reflection of Indonesian Muslims who understand ahlussunnah wal jamaah so that the aspect of compromise and promoting togetherness, and attaching importance to stability is undeniable. However, that was before, later after the reformation, when the faucet of freedom was opened in Indonesia, many political ideologies entered Indonesia. They tried to change the established Indonesian political order, such as the emergence of the sharia formalization movement, the desire to establish an Islamic state, and the Islamic caliphate. The political activity of this model is increasingly visible in the era of President Jokowidodo as a symbol of resistance. This paper tries to elaborate and analyze with a descriptive analysis system on the phenomena in post-reform Indonesia. It is interesting because there are symptoms that the political doctrine of Aswaja will be defeated by the momentary political doctrines and the doctrines of khilafahism. However, during this upheaval, Aswaja's power and doctrine proved to endure despite the worrying erosion.    Politik Islam di Indonesia sangat khas dan berkarakteristik sebagai cerminan umat Islam Indonesia yang berpaham ahlussunnah wal jamaah, sehingga aspek kompromi dan mengedepankan kebersamaan dan mementingkan stabilitas angat kentara. Tapi itu dulu, belakangan pasca refeormasi, ketika kran kebebasan dibuka di Indonesia, banyal ideology politik masuk ke Indonesia dan  berusaha merubah tatanan politik indonnesia yang sudah mapan, seperti munculnya gerakan formalisasi syariah, keinginan mendirikan Negara Islam, dan khiafah islamiyah. Bahkan aktifitas politik model ini semakin kentara di ere Presiden Jokowidodo sebagai symbol  perlawanan. Tulisan ini mencoba mengelabirasi dan menganalisis dengan system analisis deskriptif terhadap fenomena yang  terjadi di Indonesia pasca reformasi. Hal ini menarik karena ada gejala doktrin politik aswaja akan terkalahkan oleh doktrin politik sesaat dan doktin-doktin khilafihisme. Namun, di tengah pergolakan ini, kekuatan aswaja dan doktrinnya terbukti dapat bertahan walau di tengah erosi yang mengkhawatirkan.


2012 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 156-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet

Revolutions are chaotic affairs. In February 1979, when Ayatollah Khomeini and his followers declared victory, Iran's future seemed uncertain. After a long night of hostility and bloodshed, an eerie silence fell on Tehran, and in some corners fear supplanted exhilaration. Those of us who witnessed these historic events did not fully fathom what Islamic politics augured. Within weeks, on the occasion of International Women's Day, it became clear that women had become targets of the regime's cultural indoctrination. Other matters remained murky for months and would play out gradually in the first decade after the revolution.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-278
Author(s):  
Broto Wardoyo

Abstract This study focuses on Christian minorities and their response to the rise of Islamic politics in Indonesia following Ahok’s trial for alleged blasphemy. It will be suggested that the case brought against Ahok has changed the attitude of preachers of the Javanese Christian Church or Gereja Kristen Jawa (gkj) towards politics. After Ahok was prosecuted, some gkj preachers have delivered political sermons focusing on calming the churchgoers to prevent them from reacting overtly to the rise of Islamic politics in Indonesia. This indicates that preachers have become more melek politik or politically aware. While the gkj remains distant from the practice of politics, it conducts political education for members of the clergy and the politicians affiliated with the church. Through informal interviews with several gkj preachers and qualitative research, this study has avoided making generalizations. Specifically, differences in the Sunday sermons of the gkj attended by the author as well as other gkj and non-gkj churches that the author visited in 2017–2019 will be analyzed.


Author(s):  
Samer Sarofim ◽  
Ahmed Tolba

The ultimate objective of this chapter is to provide a new conceptualization that encompasses Islam as a religion, Islamic culture, and Islamic politics to provide both academicians and practitioners with a multidimensional understanding of interrelated factors in Islamic marketing. It illustrates how cultural factors and political associations intersect with Islamic teachings and rules to shape the Muslim consumer behaviors and decision-making process; consequently, business and marketing strategies aimed at targeting Muslim consumers are either threatened or reinforced.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vedi R. Hadiz

AbstractThe article examines the idea of a ‘floating’ ummah in Indonesia today that affects the workings of Indonesian Islamic politics and democracy itself. It is asserted that the ummah, or community of believers, are more disconnected from the large mainstream Islamic organisational vehicles in Indonesia than is often claimed. A considerable cross-section of this community has become increasingly disaffected with the status quo, as social inequalities sharpen and educated youths who face uncertain futures find appeal in the tough rhetoric of fringe Islamic organisations. This rhetoric emphasises absolute standards of morality as a solution to social and economic predicaments, thereby resulting in the mainstreaming of rigid religious attitudes. Consequently, organisations seen as guardians of ‘religious moderation’ have also picked up on them in an attempt to remain relevant to their increasingly socially heterogeneous constituencies. The overall result is an Islamic politics that has become more intolerant, especially when identity politics gets absorbed into conflicts between different oligarchic factions. This was seen in the dramatic fall of the ethnic-Chinese and Christian former governor of Jakarta known as ‘Ahok’ in 2017.


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