scholarly journals AHLUSSUNAH WAL JAMAAH'S POLITICAL PRACTICES IN POST-REFORM INDONESIA

Al-Risalah ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-296
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zubaidi

Islamic politics in Indonesia is very distinctive and has characteristics as a reflection of Indonesian Muslims who understand ahlussunnah wal jamaah so that the aspect of compromise and promoting togetherness, and attaching importance to stability is undeniable. However, that was before, later after the reformation, when the faucet of freedom was opened in Indonesia, many political ideologies entered Indonesia. They tried to change the established Indonesian political order, such as the emergence of the sharia formalization movement, the desire to establish an Islamic state, and the Islamic caliphate. The political activity of this model is increasingly visible in the era of President Jokowidodo as a symbol of resistance. This paper tries to elaborate and analyze with a descriptive analysis system on the phenomena in post-reform Indonesia. It is interesting because there are symptoms that the political doctrine of Aswaja will be defeated by the momentary political doctrines and the doctrines of khilafahism. However, during this upheaval, Aswaja's power and doctrine proved to endure despite the worrying erosion.    Politik Islam di Indonesia sangat khas dan berkarakteristik sebagai cerminan umat Islam Indonesia yang berpaham ahlussunnah wal jamaah, sehingga aspek kompromi dan mengedepankan kebersamaan dan mementingkan stabilitas angat kentara. Tapi itu dulu, belakangan pasca refeormasi, ketika kran kebebasan dibuka di Indonesia, banyal ideology politik masuk ke Indonesia dan  berusaha merubah tatanan politik indonnesia yang sudah mapan, seperti munculnya gerakan formalisasi syariah, keinginan mendirikan Negara Islam, dan khiafah islamiyah. Bahkan aktifitas politik model ini semakin kentara di ere Presiden Jokowidodo sebagai symbol  perlawanan. Tulisan ini mencoba mengelabirasi dan menganalisis dengan system analisis deskriptif terhadap fenomena yang  terjadi di Indonesia pasca reformasi. Hal ini menarik karena ada gejala doktrin politik aswaja akan terkalahkan oleh doktrin politik sesaat dan doktin-doktin khilafihisme. Namun, di tengah pergolakan ini, kekuatan aswaja dan doktrinnya terbukti dapat bertahan walau di tengah erosi yang mengkhawatirkan.

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Tedie Subarsyah

Political crimes are deemed to be problem, especially regarding their enforcement. Positive law has been set but the political crimes continue to occur. It is presumably caused by unpreparedness of the supporting factors to compensate for sophisticated and varied political crimes, criminal sanctions and a weak political will. As a result, there is a gap because of the breach of the law principles itself. Accordingly, it is necessary to study whether the positive law enforcement can reach all kinds of political crimes, how the criminal policies are formulated and the constraints and solutions to be pursued. In exposing the above issues, this research is descriptive analysis using normative juridical method. Their validity are checked through triangulation examination technique and then analyzed by qualitative analysis. The results revealed that political crimes are crimes against public interest and the occurrence process relates with the power and political activity as their means. If the power and political activity are synergized and strong, the political crimes will find their perfection. Positive law is essentially the result of a series of political processes. Consequently, any enforcement effort of positive law on political crime cannot be completed because political crime always coincides with high-tech, high management and high politic beyond the boundaries of reality (law, morality, culture and common sense). It then develops into a discourse that is planned, organized and controlled to be untouched and unreached crime. Meanwhile, positive law works in a linear-mechanistic way based on doctrine of Legal Positivism or Rechtsdogmatiek by promoting criminal policy in the form of penal policy that in reality had lost much of its authority.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-349
Author(s):  
M Munawar

This paper is based on a literature study that aims to examine the relevance and implementation of Islamic politics in the political arena of Indonesia, the majority of which are Muslims. The results of the study concluded that in the era of 70s emerged ??Nurcholish Madjid's idea that "Islam YES, Islamic party NO" and it had established a new awareness for Muslims on the desired goal which is not idealism about the establishment of an Islamic State, but a just and prosperous society. Islam is no longer seen as a symbolic structure, but rather the spirit of values ??that are brought and developed in the life of the state. Efforts to articulate Islamic politics in Indonesia are important issues that need to be addressed to provide a possible synthesis between Islam and the State, therefore the study of Islamic political thought that is unique to Indonesia is not only attractive but urgent to do. In line with the conclusions above, it is expected that this paper can trigger students, especially those who choose the Department of Siyasah Jinayah so that Islamic political thought not only be a mere discourse but should be more focused on the aspect of its implementation to move towards a more advanced Indonesia.


1987 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha Abele Mac Iver

This article examines the religious beliefs underlying the political ideology of Ulster's fundamentalist politician, Ian Paisley. Paisley claims to follow the Reformation tradition in both his theology and political beliefs, and cannot be understood without reference to this tradition. Adopting an apocalyptic world view from Reformation Protestants such as Knox, Paisley views the Roman Catholic Church as the Harlot of Babylon condemned in Revelation, and this belief underlies his anti-Catholicism. This world view shapes Paisley's understanding of politics because he follows Knox in believing that the political community has a covenantal relationship to God requiring complete repudiation of Roman Catholic ‘idolatry’. Paisley invokes the Scottish covenanting tradition as a model for Protestant political activity in Ulster, advocating resistance against any attempt to show political favour to the Roman Catholic Church.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-50
Author(s):  
Карчагин ◽  
Evgeniy Karchagin ◽  
Гапоненко ◽  
Stanislav Gaponenko

The article analyzes the correlation between the political justice as a fundamental social and political value and political ideologies. The main historical stages of the development of «ideology» notion are defined. Political justice is broadly understood as the proper measure of distribution of political goods and it forms the ideal of social order, which regulates the relations of social subjects concerning the public authority. At the same time the forming of social ideal is one of the main aims of political ideologies. The mentioned conclusions allow to interpret «political justice» as a fundamental axiological principle which proves the definite ideal of socio-political order. It is urged to regulate the social subject’s relationship concerning public authority.


2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Flavius Florls Andrles

<p><em>The emerging religious movement in campus areas after the reformation era is an interesting phenomenon to be researched. The aim of this study is to answer these questions:   how to reconstruct the idea of religion and how the implementation of such idea in the religious movement to response the political problems. This research was conducted in two campuses with different background, Gadjah Mada University representing secular campus and Islamic state university Sunan Kalijaga representing religious campus. Findings of this research show that there is different religious understanding on the religious movement. In Gajah Mada mosque, the political problem is not discussed and is not included in the preaching. The reason is that the material is not relevant to mosque function. On the other hand, there is no problem to discuss about politics and also to say it in a preaching at the mosque in Islamic State University Sunan Kalijaga. This can happen because education about politics for people is part of mosque responsibility as a representation of muamalat in Islam.</em></p>


Author(s):  
Raymond Plant

Political philosophy developed as a central aspect of philosophy generally in the world of ancient Greece, and the writings of Plato and Aristotle made a basic and still important contribution to the subject. Central to political philosophy has been a concern with the justification or criticism of general political arrangements such as democracy, oligarchy or kingship, and with the ways in which the sovereignty of the state is to be understood; with the relationship between the individual and the political order, and the nature of the individual’s obligation to that order; with the coherence and identity of the political order from the point of view of the nation and groups within the nation, and with the role of culture, language and race as aspects of this; with the basis of different general political ideologies and standpoints such as conservatism, socialism and liberalism; and with the nature of the basic concepts such as state, individual, rights, community and justice in terms of which we understand and argue about politics. Because it is concerned with the justification and criticism of existing and possible forms of political organization a good deal of political philosophy is normative; it seeks to provide grounds for one particular conception of the right and the good in politics. In consequence many current controversies in political philosophy are methodological; they have to do with how (if at all) normative judgments about politics can be justified.


Author(s):  
Noah Salomon

This chapter presents a story that makes an interesting set of claims about the nature of political authority in Islam. First, it made the point that the notion of an intellectual vanguard that could awaken the Sudanese to their true responsibilities under Islam (and indeed show them what true Islam was) was deeply offensive, not just to Sufis, but to secularists and practicing Muslims of all stripes. Next, it is important to recognize that in this story, just as in the political strategy of the Inqadh, al-Turabi uses Islam to disarm political critique. The remainder of the chapter addresses the following question What might it mean to leave Islamic politics untranslated? It does so by looking at a vision of the Islamic state that “not only [finds itself, but positions itself] in competition or confrontation with social scientific forms of knowledge.”


1969 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 321-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith M. Brown

Centenary celebrations of the birth of any prominent man attract assessments of his character, career and influence. Nothing could be more understandable, particularly in the case of M. K. Gandhi, who was by common consent one of the greatest leaders Asia has produced in an era of colonial nationalisms and decolonization, who in his own life time was called a saint and a machiavellian politician, and who has become in independent India both a national myth and an embarrassment. Accounts of the importance of Gandhi in modern India tend to fall into two main categories. There are those who dismiss him, often regretfully, as an idealist whose Utopian plans for a democracy of village commonwealths and a non-violent society have collapsed in the face of economic and political necessity and the machinations of unscrupulous politicians. In the words of Jayaprakash Narayan, ‘If you consider the political ideologies attaining in India today, you would find that somehow one who is called the Father of the Nation is completely missing from all of them’. Such pessimism assesses Gandhi as if he had been solely a dispenser of blue-prints for a brave new world, and fails to see him as a dynamic leader whose greatest influence flowed from the type of movement he led and the techniques he used, rather than from the peculiarly personal ideals he held. On the other hand, there are those who hail him as the Father of India and try to draw direct causal connexions between his ideals and many of the major changes which have occurred in India since 1947, particularly the official abolition of Untouchability and the institution of panchayat raj. But this is the perspective of the biographer. It underrates the complexities of politics and society and their interaction, and turns a blind eye to the innumerable cross currents which make up the main stream of Indian social and political activity.


Disruption ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 82-139
Author(s):  
David Potter

The chapter opens with a discussion of the social and political order of 15th-century Europe and the Catholic doctrine that provided the ideological core of the system. The next topic will be the development of a new technology, printing, which is crucial to the reform movement initiated by Martin Luther, who made unique use of the printed word to spread his ideas. The next topic is the political use of the Reform movement first in Germany, then in England and the Netherlands. The impact of the Reformation is the development of the nation state and the growth of reasoning based on science.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 132-141
Author(s):  
Rohmatul Izad

The political theology of  Islamic fundamentalism is a  religious-political movement that wants the total application of Islamic teachings in the political system and at the same time rejects all modern political ideologies. Meanwhile, bayani epistemology is one of the epistemological concepts found by al-Jabiri in expressing  Arabic-Islamic reasoning based on holy texts,  as well as being the basis for criticism of the tendency of textual epistemology in the tradition of Islamic historical literature. Therefore, research on the logical construction of Islamic fundamentalism political theology from the perspective of Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri's bayani epistemology is very relevant. The method used in this research is the literature review method of al-Jabiri's thinking with critical analysis. The results of this study: first, the method of thinking of Islamic fundamentalism political theology is based on text (nash) or literalism-takfirism.  They make holy texts (al-Qur'an and Sunnah) as the only basis for knowledge to arrive at the truth. Their way of thinking revolves around the problem of the concept of text, namely the relationship between lafadz and meaning, Uṣūl and furu ', as well as the position of the text between substance and accident. Second, the bayani dimension really colors the political theology of Islamic fundamentalism, which is textualistic and rejects all other epistemologies such as irfani and burhani. Based on textual reasoning, the theological reasoning of Islamic fundamentalism rests on three elements; (1) The dichotomous-dialectical paradigm, which sees everything in two opposing poles,  such as black-and-white,  right-wrong, and good-bad.  (2) Islamic reasoning, which is politically-theocentric, namely a thought that understands that Islam and the state are integral and Islamic law must be applied in the divine political order. (3) Political jihad as Jihād fī Sabīlillāh, the jihad referred to here is war, both mental and physical. Jihad must be carried out to fight for an Islamic state as well as to fight against the enemies of Islam, both from within and from outside. This jihad is political in nature, but because it is based on religion, this jihad is considered as Jihād fī Sabīlillāh, which is a form of struggle in the path of Allah.


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