Labor, Race, and Empire: Transport Workers and Transnational Empires of Trade, Production, and Finance 1

2004 ◽  
pp. 15-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Ehrlich Reifer
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
O.A. Karpova ◽  
◽  
V.A. Semenikhin ◽  
B.A. Balandovich ◽  
◽  
...  

Abstract: Introduction. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, it is necessary to look for new approaches to the prevention, diagnosis and treatment of skin diseases in the working population. Study objective. To study the hygienic influence of harmful and dangerous factors of the working environment and the severity of the labor process on the structure of the general dermatological morbidity in railway transport workers who ensure the safety of train traffic in the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic. Materials and methods. The complex of harmful production factors affecting railway transport workers was studied according to the sanitary and hygienic characteristics of the working conditions of employees of the Altai region of the West Siberian Railway of JSC "Russian Railways". The structure of the general dermatological morbidity was studied according to the statistical coupons of outpatient patients who applied to a dermatovenerologist in the CHUZ " CB "Russian Railways-Medicine" Barnaul for the period 2019-2020. Results. The conducted complex of hygienic, epidemiological and statistical studies showed that the combined impact of chemical, meteorological, physical, biological harmful production factors and the severity of the labor process (class 3.1-3.5) in railway transport workers who ensure the safety of train traffic leads to the development of such production-related skin diseases as contact dermatitis and psoriasis. In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, skin infections (62.8%) predominate over non-infectious dermatoses in the structure of the total dermatological morbidity. The share of primary morbidity increased to 90.8%. The first rank is occupied by pyoderma (47.5%), the second – allergodermatoses (20.0%), the third – mycoses (11.6%). Conclusion. The COVID-19 pandemic leads to changes in the epidemiological and clinical features of dermatoses in the working population, which must be taken into account in their prevention, diagnosis and treatment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 11
Author(s):  
Muhammad Hermansyah ◽  
M. Imron Mas'ud

<p><em>Many companies often pay less attention to the health of their employees during the work, it can seen from the number of employees exposed to the risk of diseases or health problems in retirement due to the imbalance between the needs of body and energy consumption that can lead to decreased productivity, especially labor-intensive companies one of them on the CV. X. The purpose of this study is to calculate the number of calories needed healthy body for employees of transport workers to regulate the pattern of food intake of the right transport workers so that caloric needs can be met. Data is collected by interview, observation and documentation study. The results showed that the work performed by transport workers was 1.5 hours including heavy work, 5 hours of moderate work and 1.5 hours of rest with an average caloric needs of 1253,601 cal / 8 hours of work, the body will experience a lack of calories when they work more or less about 6.5% (106,8576 cal / 8jam) of food they have eaten daily, then improved the food menu with an average of 1284,013 cal / 8 hours, an increase of 9.63% with the ratio of work productivity from before the improvement of 73.99% to 74.81%, resulting in an increase of 0.81%, implying on the convenience of laborers</em></p>


Author(s):  
Santoso Budi Widiarto ◽  
Musa Hubeis ◽  
Komar Sumantadinata

An ironic thing that Indonesia as maritime country have insufficiency salt problem. Salt is strategic commodities that can be easily produced by evaporation of sea water and policy salts have been issued since the Dutch colonial era. In 2011 the Government of Indonesia make toward self sufficiency salt policy. This research was aimed to analyze the implementation efectivity of Salt Business Empowerment Program (Pemberdayaan Usaha Garam Rakyat or PUGAR). The research design used purposive and snowball sampling to select 70 respondents in Losarang Village at Indramayu. The data were analyzed by using Quantitative Analysis, Qualitative Analysis, SWOT and MAHP. The result showed PUGAR in Losarang, Indramayu implemented with effectiveness. This is indicated by salt production target achieved and increasing the salt farmer welfare. Implementation PUGAR make salt productivity in Losarang 90,43 ton/ha, increasing salt farmer income, empower 17 the People's Business Group Salt (Kelompok Usaha Garam Rakyat or KUGAR) with the amount of 170 salt farmers, give technological innovation and quality salt production and give job for 778 peoples as salt farmers, farm workers and transport workers. Obtained result IFE of salt bussiness is 2,608 and EFE is 2,673. Moreover the research calculate salt business feasibility that known from B/C ratio > 1, business profit margin, appropriate salt area owned by farmers, business gap analysis of salt and break even analysis. Break even analysis to determine the selling price of the large volume of salt and salt production business people to reach the point of no profit and no loss (break even). Key words: Empowerment, Farmers, Government, PUGAR, Salt, Workers


Health ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 06 (16) ◽  
pp. 2144-2153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustafa Mahfuz ◽  
Tahmeed Ahmed ◽  
Sk. Akhtar Ahmad ◽  
Manzurul Haque Khan

Author(s):  
Miriam Mutambudzi ◽  
Claire L Niedzwiedz ◽  
Ewan B Macdonald ◽  
Alastair H Leyland ◽  
Frances S Mair ◽  
...  

Objectives: To investigate severe COVID-19 risk by occupational group. Methods: Baseline UK Biobank data (2006-10) for England were linked to SARS-CoV-2 test results from Public Health England (16 March to 26 July 2020). Included participants were employed or self-employed at baseline, alive and aged less than 65 years in 2020. Poisson regression models adjusted sequentially for baseline demographic, socioeconomic, work-related, health, and lifestyle-related risk factors to assess risk ratios (RRs) for testing positive in hospital or death due to COVID-19 by three occupational classification schemes (including Standard Occupation Classification 2000). Results: Of 120,075 participants, 271 had severe COVID-19. Relative to non-essential workers, healthcare workers (RR 7.43, 95% CI:5.52,10.00), social and education workers (RR 1.84, 95% CI:1.21,2.82) and other essential workers (RR=1.60, 95% CI:1.05,2.45) had higher risk of severe COVID-19. Using more detailed groupings, medical support staff (RR 8.70, 95% CI:4.87,15.55), social care (RR 2.46, 95% CI:1.47,4.14) and transport workers (RR= 2.20, 95% CI:1.21,4.00) had highest risk within the broader groups. Compared to white non-essential workers, non-white non-essential workers had a higher risk (RR 3.27, 95% CI: 1.90,5.62) and non-white essential workers had the highest risk (RR 8.34, 95% CI:5.17,13.47). Using SOC2000 major groups, associate professional and technical occupations, personal service occupations and plant and machine operatives had higher risk, compared to managers and senior officials. Conclusions: Essential workers have higher risk of severe COVID-19. These findings underscore the need for national and organizational policies and practices that protect and support workers with elevated risk of severe COVID-19.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Miranda Grange

<p>Participants and observers of the maritime industry have been claiming a trend internationally towards criminalising the actions of seafarers in modern years. This trend has been apparent since the mid-20th century and has many vocal industry participants declaring that it is disturbing and negatively impacts the maritime industry as a whole, particularly when the blame of large-scale pollution events are placed on seafarers themselves. The International Transport Workers’ Federation (“ITWF”) highlights these industry concerns:¹  "In the modern maritime industry, reduced crews are expected to affect fast turnarounds and take ever greater responsibility for maritime security and pollution prevention. On the one hand they are subject to pressure from the company to remain economically competitive at all costs. On the other hand they face the threat of heavy-handed sanctions by States eager to find scapegoats for politically sensitive cases involving environmental damage."  This paper looks at international discourse on this trend and examines whether it is reflected in New Zealand (“NZ”) by focusing on the statutory reality of the increasing criminalisation thesis. This maritime industry is largely regulated by the Maritime Transport Act 1994 (“MTA”). However, as with all jurisdictions, maritime specific laws do not exist in a vacuum. The MTA operates alongside maritime rules; the Crimes Act 1961; the Resource Management Act 1991 (“RMA”); anti-terrorism measures; health and safety legislation; employee rights; human rights; and international obligations.  This research paper analyses the NZ dimension in the context of this international discussion. This paper has four main aims:  1) To isolate the areas where industry participants believe there is a trend towards greater criminalisation;   2) To analyse legislative and policy developments in NZ, focusing on the MTA and earlier legislation;  3) Determine whether NZ is following the international trend towards increased criminalisation of seafarers; and  4) Highlight infamous cases giving rise to liability in this area and hypothetically applies them to the NZ context.  The bulk of this paper focuses on the second aim above: Part IV identifies five areas of criminal responsibility. Every maritime offence and crime in NZ legislation has been examined.² Part V is a forecasting exercise where I apply the facts of four international cases into the NZ framework and examine a ‘worse case’ scenario.  This paper focuses on offences applicable only to seafarers (including masters) of merchant ships, in the course of their professional duties. There are sundry offences in NZ law which apply to “every person” but this paper only examines these in the context of seafarers’ professional duties. For example, offences under the recent legislation to combat piracy and terrorism through policing and border control – Maritime Crimes Act 1999 and Maritime Security Act 2004 – are outside the scope of this paper though both Acts are important pieces of legislation for NZ international obligations.³ I do not examine offences relating to harbour-masters; owners or employers of seafarers; warships or defence force members; port operators or facilities; pleasure craft; fishing boats; search and rescue operators; wrecks; nor marine structures and operations.⁴ Further, the paper does not look at the civil penalties for the same activities as examined in the criminal context, liability under the Maritime Insurance Act 1908, or the delegated authority of Maritime New Zealand (“MNZ”).⁵ This scope has been chosen due to the parallel international discussion and concerns with this subject.  ¹ International Transport Workers’ Federation “Out of sight, out of mind: Seafarers, Fishers and Human Rights” June 2006 at 29. Challengers assert is that the “criminalisation of accidental pollution may discourage feedback regarding incidents, failures, and even accidents and so inhibit their prevention” as well as the increasingly employment costs that such criminal sanctions trigger: see Kyriaki Mitroussi “Employment of seafarers in the EU context: Challenges and opportunities” (2008) 32 Marine Policy at 1047.  ² For ease of discussion, Part IV divides these areas into (1) health and safety offences (including pollution and hazardous cargo situations); (2) emergency situations, collisions or accidents; (3) employment rights and obligations; (4) financial and regulatory responsibilities; and (5) obligations involving the administration of justice.  ³ See International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea 1184 UNTS 1185 (opened for signature 1 November 1974, entered into force 25 May 1980).  ⁴ See sections 31(4) and 71(1) of the Maritime Transport Act 1994 [hereinafter referred to as the “MTA”]; Maritime New Zealand v Page [2013] DCR 102; and Sellers v Maritime Safety (5 November 1998) CA104/98.  ⁵ See Part 25 of the MTA.</p>


Author(s):  
Robert E. Paaswell ◽  
Laurence Audenaerd ◽  
Mohsen Jafari

To increase productivity and achieve promised operating budget savings, the Metropolitan Transportation Authority of New York City wished to optimize bus maintenance routines throughout its different divisions. New York City Transit and the Manhattan and Bronx Surface Transit Operating Authority entered an agreement with the Local 100, Transport Workers Union of America of Greater New York, AFL-CIO to form a team of delegates, under the supervision of a mediating industrial engineer (IE), to create standard task times for 26 specified bus maintenance core procedures. Within 90 days, this process intended to ( a) create fixed standards for each task, and ( b) reduce times now spent on certain jobs. Throughout the process, labor and management were urged to articulate rationales and listen to explanations. Predictable arguments were initially cited, but these evolved into discussions of new approaches or considerations agreeable to both sides. In a disagreement, the IE tried to narrow differences and facilitate agreement on an intermediary value determined by timed demonstrations. The method invoked an iterative process of negotiation, converging upon the final agreement, which proved to be an interesting heuristic in general for similar mediation processes. This process of union and management coming together on issues of productivity is certainly not new and has been studied in the past. But, at a time when all transit budgets are under fire, issues such as saving jobs while reducing costs assume great importance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lela Rekhviashvili ◽  
Wladimir Sgibnev

This article offers a first comparative discussion about ride-sharing (ride-sourcing) practices and informal transport. It focuses primarily on Uber, and marshrutkas – a socially and economically crucial mobility offer prevailing in many post-Soviet cities. The absence or evasion of state regulations, low labour standards of transport workers, and high safety risks for passengers unite the high-tech globalised corporate ride-sourcing sector and low-tech localised marshrutkas. The digital technological leap has made it infinitely easier to recruit transport workers to de-territorialise coordination activities, to advocate for avoiding regulations and draw significant capital investments. In cities of the Global North this leads to an informalisation of formerly relatively protected labour relations. In cities of the Global South, this can involve the loss of horizontally embedded modes of shared transport, in favour of corporate ride-sourcing: further fragmentation and alienation of the labour force, without solving issues of negative externalities.


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