Family, the manners of the people, and political economy

Keyword(s):  
1990 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Maddox

In the Dodoma Region of central Tanzania the people called Wagogo name a famine that struck between 1917 and 1920 the Mtunya—‘The Scramble’. This famine came after both German and British miliary requisitions had drained the arid region of men, cattle and food. The famine, which killed 30,000 of the region's 150,000 people, is more than just a good example of what John Iliffe has called ‘conjunctural poverty’. The Mtunya and the response to it by both the people of the region and the new colonial government also shaped the form of the interaction between local economy and society and the political economy of colonial Tanganyika. The Gogo, in their own interpretation of the famine, stress the ways in which this famine made them dependent on the colonial economy. For them, this famine represented a terrible loss of autonomy, a loss of the ability to control the reproduction of their own society.


1998 ◽  
Vol 217 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar Sheynin

SummaryThis paper is based on a large number of Soviet and western sources and describes the development of statistics in the Soviet Union. After ca. 1922, Russian statisticians were able to work successfully drawing on the contemporaneous national and foreign professional knowledge. From 1927 onward, however, many of them were labelled saboteurs or enemies of the people, arrested and even shot. Pre-Soviet statistics was denied, and its classics were called ideologists of the bourgeoisie (Siissmilch, Quetelet) or enemies of materialism (Pearson). The new crop of Soviet statisticians, largely composed of ignoramuses, restricted the aims of statistics to confirming Marxist political economy. In the post-war period, ideology continued to dominate over statistics, econometrics had to overcome great ideological resistance, and genetics, crushed in 1948, in particular because of its ties with statistics, did not return to life until the 1960’s.


1985 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 29-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Collini

When in the summer of 1902 Helen Bosanquet published a book called The Strength of the People she sent a copy to Alfred Marshall. On the face of it, this might seem a rather unpromising thing to have done. Mrs Bosanquet, an active exponent of the Charity Organisation Society's ‘casework’ approach to social problems, had frequently expressed her dissatisfaction with what she regarded as the misleading abstractions of orthodox economics, and in her book she had even ventured a direct criticism of a point in Marshall's Principles. Marshall, then Professor of Political Economy at Cambridge and at the peak of his reputation as the most authoritative exponent of neo-classical economics in Britain, was, to say the least, sensitive to criticism, and he had, moreover, publicly taken issue with the C.O.S. on several previous occasions. But perhaps Mrs Bosanquet knew what she was about after all. In her book she had taken her text from the early nineteenth-century Evangelical Thomas Chalmers on the way in which character determines circumstances rather than vice versa, and, as the historian of the C.O.S. justly remarks, her book ‘is a long sermon on the importance of character in making one family rich and another poor’. Although Marshall can hardly have welcomed the general strictures on economics, he was able to reassure Mrs Bosanquet that ‘in the main’ he agreed with her: ‘I have always held’, he wrote to her, ‘that poverty and pain, disease and death are evils of greatly less importance than they appear, except in so far as they lead to weakness of life and character’.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-129
Author(s):  
Ahmad Ubaidillah

The Indonesian nation, which has undergone its independence for more than 70 years, experienced two major changes, namely in 1966 and 1998. 1966 gave birth to the New Order. The New Order period which lasted 32 years with a full orientation to pursue economic growth which was supported by security stability which killed democratic values. We have also gone through the reform era that was rolled out in 1998 which later gave birth to the state order as we feel today. During the 20 years or so of reformation, Indonesia's condition can be said to be more democratic even though it is still procedural which is marked by an election celebration party and post-conflict local election. However, economic orientation and development have almost no fundamental correction, no significant changes. The strategic economic policies taken by the government have not been in favor of the people. Potential economic resources are still held hostage by the interests of foreign countries. Both in the banking sector, insurance, capital markets, state-owned enterprises (BUMN), oil and gas mining and other economic sectors. The government only relies on the amount of economic growth, which does not contribute much to the real economy of the people. As a result, poverty and unemployment rates have not been significantly reduced. The quality of life of the people becomes low. In this paper, the author tries to study the economic growth which is always glorified by the ruling regime in the perspective of Islamic political economy. However, economic policies are inseparable from government political interference. Therefore, questions such as how is the political economy of Islam in view of economic growth amid the high poverty rate of the Indonesian people? Then what is the solution that Islamic political economy can provide in overcoming policies that are deemed not to benefit the people? From the discussion, the writer can provide some things that according to the authors are important to conclude. Islamic political economy is only one area of ​​science that will be built based on the tauhid paradigm. Basically, all existing science needs to be built within the framework of the monotheistic paradigm. The emergence and development of Islamic civilization for more than a thousand years is always based on the Tawhid paradigm. At that time, all science was built on the basis of monotheism. The problem of economic development can be solved by tauhid paradigm.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (S-1) ◽  
pp. 70-76
Author(s):  
Padmavathi R

Morgan found that the adi from of the clans formed on the basis of maternal rights, from which the clans based on paternal rights later developed. In this way we understand that the castes we see among the people who are tired of the ancient Social civilization are based on paternal rights and before that there were Social clans with maternal rights. As important as Darwin’s theory of evolution way in biology and how important Marx’s Philosophy of surplus value was in the field of Political, Economy, so important is the discovery that there was a Primitive maternal right that preceded patriarchy in civilized populations. The Social system that forgot this historical background enslaved the woman. set her aside from production. She was stripped of her rights and made to kneel before the man the began to paint her limbs. Myths about women and literary evidence in written form spilled out of masculine thought. Thus, the women become the most physically vulnerable in the attack on the country. In his poems, he shows the way in which the Tamil community considers activities that are considered sacred and pure. Malati Maitri writes about Social liberation, questioning the sacred practices of sacrifice, family morality, domesticity, motherhood and affection.


Author(s):  
Yavuz Çilliler

The right of peoples to "self-determination” is influenced by varying motives in different times and geographies in its implementation, and is rarely operated according to its foundational ethic and legal bases dating back to the Kantian concept of free will and the international laws codified after the World War II. Particularly, political economy has always played an important but usually covered role in the application of this principle to national or international disputes. This paper aims to explain the dominance of political economy in international decision making processes about the people making a claim for their own state, and to highlight the changing nature of political economy supporting sometimes the sovereign states and sometimes the sub-state level ethnic groups. In this context, the theoretical development and the application of “self-determination” principle is assessed relatively by historical comparison method. Field research for the study comprises archival research of primary and secondary resources. This paper concludes that the political economy has usually greater influence on the application of “self-determination” to the national and international disputes than its ethic and legal content, and that the paradoxical content of this principle contributes to the redistribution of lands usually in compliance with the interests of great powers.


2020 ◽  
pp. 165-208
Author(s):  
Yu.V. Yakutin

The article continues the series of publications dedicated to the three-hundredth anniversary of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the fruitful cooperation of the Academy with the Free Economic Society of Russia. The article shows the path of A. Storch to an honorary academic title, tells about his multifaceted activities at the Academy. The encyclopedic nature of his knowledge and high moral qualities are noted. It is emphasized that twenty years of activity of the academician as a teacher and mentor of the children of the imperial family, daughters and sons of Paul Ist played an important role in the creation of the main scientific work of A. Storch «The Course of Political Economy, or an exposition of the principles that determine the well-being of the people» in six volumes. The priority positions of the academician in political economy, which still retain their relevance, are especially considered, primarily in his doctrine of internal benefits and civilization.


Author(s):  
Ofelia Schutte

Marxism is a theory offering a critique of capitalist political economy. Marxism also views itself as an instrument or means of changing the world from a capitalist to a socialist (and/or communist), economic and political order. Given its interest in economic and political change, Marxism involves a philosophy of history which depicts the possibility of and conditions for change from a capitalist to a socialist order. Marxist intellectuals perform the dual task of analysing the failures or limitations of capitalist economic and political structures. The theory also proposes and evaluates socialist alternatives. Latin American Marxism developed out of its own historical, economic, political and cultural conditions. Influenced by Lenin’s analysis of imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism, it directed the critique of capitalist political economy towards the capitalist world market and its disadvantageous effects for the countries, particularly the impoverished classes and social sectors, of the Latin American and Caribbean regions. Latin American Marxism-Leninism argues, on political and economic grounds, that national liberation cannot be achieved without liberation from imperialism. Marxists believe that although the protagonists of history’s political projects are the workers (or if Leninist, the workers together with the peasants), in the end the interests of these groups represent the universal interests of humankind. Marxist political discourse often uses broader categories than those of ’workers’ or ’peasants’ to designate the agents of political emancipation, employing terms such as ’the people’, ’the popular sectors’ or ’the revolutionary masses’. In this way Marxism attempts to broaden its political base so as to make its goals more effective. The political discourse of the Cuban Revolution of 1959 and the Nicaraguan Sandinista Revolution of 1979 exemplify this practice. There are and have been many differences among Marxists because of the different approaches to criticizing capitalism as well as the different conceptions held by those who profess a commitment to the ultimate Marxist goal of creating a nonexploitative socialist society. Representative issues in Latin American Marxism may be illustrated by focusing on three questions: the problem of orthodoxy, the socialist construction of a national identity and socialism’s relation to ethics, religion and culture. In addressing these issues, this entry draws significantly from the work of Peruvian Marxist José Carlos Mariátegui, a prominent founder of Latin American Marxism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrien Fauve

In the summer of 2009, statues stood leaning in a yard, beyond Independence Square in Astana. The situation was incongruous and constituted an enigma: Why were these monuments left alone in shambles? This paper argues that nationalistic city making is more of a resource for people involved in patron/client relationships and a contingent outcome, rather than a planned strategy. This case study, drawing on evidence gathered through qualitative methods with artists and urban-planners, hence reveals a paradox: in Kazakhstan, there surely is a state incentive to produce nationalistic symbols, but in the absence of a mid-term strategy, city-planners and the people they work with improvise in order to answer local authorities' demands, and use this opportunity to advance their own interests. Hence, the political production of space is considered a fuzzy process, contingent on the agency of multiple subjects, and treated as an outcome of Foucauldian “micro-physics of power.” But even though it is erratic, it still creates the built environment which will be reacted upon by citizens. Finally, this sociopolitical perspective on nationalistic urbanism demonstrates that Astana's scenery is a fuzzy “landscape of power” instituting an erratic Kazakhstani regime, based on the political economy of symbolic goods.


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