The Redefinition of State Policies in the Social Arena: The Case of Mexico

2018 ◽  
pp. 189-212
Author(s):  
Jon Shefner
Keyword(s):  
State Policies ◽  
The Social

Carework and Migration: Japanese Perspectives on the Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement

2007 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nobue Suzuki
Keyword(s):  
State Policies ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Primary Objective ◽  
Foreign Workers ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
The Social ◽  
Economic Partnership Agreement ◽  
Economic Partnership ◽  
Partnership Agreement ◽  
And Migration

This paper details the context of the reception of Filipino careworkers under the Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement (JPEPA). Following the reduction in the deployment of Filipina/o entertainers in Japan since March 2005, the potential deployment of careworkers to Japan has generated much interest in the Philippines. However, many aspects of careworker migration are not well understood. The primary objective of this paper is thus to clarify the social conditions surrounding the JPEPA to better understand the various issues involved in carework in Japan. Towards this end, the paper discusses the following: the attempt of the state to reduce the costs of carework; state policies on foreign workers and the prospect of bringing in Filipino careworkers under the JPEPA; the responses of government institutions, medical and labor organizations to careworker migration; the process of careworker migration as provided in the JPEPA; and possibilities of cooperation between Filipinos already in Japan and incoming careworkers.

Remaking Power and Politics

2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Shola Orloff
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Human Sciences ◽  
Social Science History ◽  
The Social ◽  
Core Concepts ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Foundational Work ◽  
Conceptual Work

I contend that we should remake conceptions of power and politics, taking off from the project of remaking “modernity.” Here, I perform a similar move for “power and politics,” core concepts for history and the human sciences, building on the foundational work of the 1970s and 1980s and bringing in key elements of institutionalist and culturalist critiques. The theories of the early days of social science history were usually materialist, and the character of state policies and political structures was understood to reflect the “balance of class forces,” interests to flow from class position, and power to work in a juridical vein, as “power over.” By the 1980s these common understandings were widely criticized. There were new emphases on the multiplicity of identities and structures of inequality, new questions about the adequacy of materialist accounts of politics. Dissatisfactions were also stimulated by “real-world” developments. However, we see a parting of the ways when it came to addressing these new political conditions and analytic challenges. Moves to “bring the state and other political institutions back in” have been focused on politics, while the scholars taking the various cultural turns have focused on power. The conceptualizations of power and politics have been sundered along with the scholarly communities deploying them. I address both communities and argue for new ways of understanding power and politics emerging from renewed encounters between institutionalist and culturalist analyses. Such encounters and the conceptual work that they will produce can help us reforge a productive alliance between history and the social sciences.

The Popularisation of Sufism in Ayyubid and Mamluk Egypt, 1173-1325

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan Hofer
Keyword(s):  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
State Policies ◽  
The State ◽  
Direct Result ◽  
Audience Participation ◽  
Social Formation ◽  
Urban Centers ◽  
The Social ◽  
Mamluk Period

After the fall of the Fatimid Empire in 1171 and the emergence of a new Sunni polity under the Ayyubids, Sufism came to extraordinary prominence in Egypt. The state founded and funded hospices to attract foreign Sufis to Egypt; local charismatic Sufi masters appeared throughout Upper and Lower Egypt; organized Sufi brotherhoods emerged in the urban centers of Cairo and Alexandria; and even Jews took up the doctrines and practices of the Sufis. By the middle of the Mamluk period in the fourteenth century, Sufism had become massively popular. How and why did this popularisation happen? This book is the first to address this issue directly, surveying the social formation and histories of several different Sufi collectivities from this period. Adopting an agentival approach, the book argues that the popularization of Sufism during this time was the direct result of deliberate and variegated Sufi programs of outreach, strategies of legitimation, and performances of authority across Egypt. The book situates these programs, strategies, and performances within the social and political contexts of the institutionalization of Sufism, audience participation, and Ayyubid and Mamluk state policies.

Experimenting with Territorial Administrative Autonomy in Corsica: Exception or Pilot Region?

2008 ◽  
Vol 15 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 273-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farimah Daftary
Keyword(s):  
Social Context ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Social ◽  
Late Initiation ◽  
Political Economic

AbstractThis article provides an overview of the gradual establishment since 1982 of territorial administrative autonomy on the French island of Corsica. The impetus for the reforms was provided by a growing self-determination movement concerned with protecting the specific Corsican identity and dealing with the social and economic challenges arising from insularity. It argues that neither institutional experimentation coupled with substantial aid nor periodic crackdowns on nationalists have succeeded in resolving the conflict. The difficult functioning of autonomy can be attributed in part to the late initiation of reform following the onset of violence as well as to weak and confusing arrangements, as well as an unfavourable political, economic and social context. The persistent use of violence by nationalists, partially justified by the fact that a number of their key demands remain unaddressed, and fuelled by inconsistent state policies, have constituted further obstacles. Last but not least, the extension of measures initially designed for Corsica to the rest of the French territory in successive waves of decentralisation have undermined the symbolic impact of the reforms.

scholarly journals “Otherness” as Threat: Social and Educational Exclusion of Roma People in Greece

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christos Parthenis ◽  
George Fragoulis
Keyword(s):  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Primary Schools ◽  
Well Being ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Educational Opportunities ◽  
Life Chances ◽  
Socially Constructed ◽  
The Social ◽  
Roma People ◽  
Harsh Conditions

<p>This paper focuses on aspects of the social and educational exclusion that Roma people face in the Greek context. It argues that diversity has been constructed as a threat for the security, the social cohesion, and the well-being of western societies. Drawing from two case studies of primary schools conducted in a highly deprived suburb of Athens, where most Roma live in harsh conditions, we argue that socially constructed dispositions regarding diversity and inadequate state policies are major obstacles for the improvement of educational opportunities and life chances of Roma people in Greece.</p>

Problems, But Whose Problems: The Social Construction of Black Youth Unemployment and State Policies

1985 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 527-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Solomos
Keyword(s):  
Social Construction ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Black Youth ◽  
Youth Unemployment ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Core Concept ◽  
Effective Response ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Social

ABSTRACTThe issue of black youth unemployment has become a central aspect of government race relations policies over the last few years, particularly in the aftermath of the 1981 street disturbances. This paper attempts to locate the various stages of response to this question, both at the level of ideology and of policy. It argues that although the policies pursued have been legitimized as helping young blacks, they have failed to mount an effective response to the employment crisis facing this group. In addition, it is argued that policies have tended to ignore the question of racism and to concentrate on the supposed cultural and personal handicaps which young blacks inherit from their cultural background. It concludes by questioning the ideology of equal opportunity, which is the core concept underlying government responses to racial discrimination, and argues for a more critical analysis of recent interventions premised on this notion.

scholarly journals Buen vivir y pueblos indígenas en Colombia

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar David Montero de la Rosa
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Buen Vivir ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
The Social ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Indigenous Territories ◽  
Good Living ◽  
Mother Earth

ResumenA partir de la Constitución Política de 1991, Colombia se reconoce como un país multiétnico y pluricultural. Los 102 Pueblos Indígenas existentes en el país tienen como principios de lucha el Territorio, la Cultura, la Autonomía y la Unidad. Hoy el movimiento indígena colombiano, es un referente consolidado, a pesar del exterminio físico y cultural. Actualmente 36 pueblos están en riesgo de extinción, a raíz de las políticas estatales, el conflicto armado interno y el desarrollo occidental.  El movimiento indígena platea alternativas propias de acuerdo a sus usos y costumbres para una sociedad diversa e intercultural para el Buen Vivir de la humanidad. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo presentar las dinámicas sociales, culturales y políticas de los Pueblos Indígenas, como sujetos políticos colectivos. Palabras claves: Buen Vivir, territorios indígenas, madre tierra y cosmovisión. AbstractColombia is a multiethnic and pluri-cultural country according to article 7 of the Political Constitution of Colombia. Achievement that was given by the resistance and cohesion of the indigenous movement, despite being only 3.28% of the Colombian population, where there are 102 indigenous peoples, which has as principles of struggle: territory, culture, autonomy and unity. Today the Colombian indigenous movement is a reference for the social movements of the country and the Abya Yala movement of peace that raises own alternatives according to their uses and customs for a diverse and intercultural society for the good living of humanity. Despite the fact that extermination in which it lives both physically and culturally, since there are 36 peoples in extinction, as a result of the state policies, the internal armed conflict and the development proposal posed by the West. This research project aims to explain the social, cultural and political dynamics that indigenous peoples have as collective political subjects with respect to the territory and the Good Living that is lived in it. Re meaning the traditions, the uses and imaginaries that we have to maintain our principles of struggle and identity, affected by current problems outside our peoples.Keywords: Good Living, indigenous territories, development, Mother Earth, cosmology, cosmogony, interculturality.

scholarly journals Família, educação e trabalho: as estratégias educativas das famílias em relação aos seus “descendentes” nas comarcas do Rio da Velhas e de Vila Rica entre cerca de 1720 e 1770

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 91
Author(s):  
Fabrício Vinhas Manini Angelo
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Pierre Bourdieu ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Wide Sense ◽  
Educational Strategies ◽  
Religious Orders ◽  
Social Distinction ◽  
Conceptual Apparatus ◽  
The Social

O presente trabalho busca apresentar as principais das estratégias educativas das famílias em relação a sua descendência para as comarcas do Rio da Velhas e de Vila Rica entre cerca de 1720 e 1770. A partir do aparato conceitual cunhado por Pierre Bourdieu, o objetivo do trabalho é compreender os sentidos destas estratégias, principalmente, em relação a busca e manutenção da distinção social. A partir dos testamentos é possível mapear uma série de estratégias na busca ou manutenção desta distinção social. Para isto é necessário ir além da ideia que contemporaneamente se tem sobre educação, que basicamente se restringe ao ambiente escolar, pois esta e outras instituições deste tipo (seminários, internatos, conventos) eram bem menos comuns e em geral restritos a grupos sociais muito específicos na região e período em tela. Desta maneira, o que se pretende aqui é compreender como a religião, os ofícios, bem como a escola, mestres e professores funcionavam para estas famílias na intenção de educarem seus descendentes. Além disso, busca-se compreender como estas famílias se organizavam para garantir a educação, em seu sentido mais amplo, de seus herdeiros em um período e região nos quais não existiam colégios ou ordens religiosas atuando em Minas e também ainda não existiam políticas estatais tão claras sobre esta matéria.Family, education and work: the educational strategies of families in relation to their “descendants” in the comarca of Rio de Velhas and the omarca of Vila Rica (c. 1720 and c. 1770). The present paper tries has the main goal to present the educative strategies of the families in relation to their descendants in the comarca of Rio das Velhas and in the comarca of Vila Rica in the eighteenth century. In this paper, the conceptual apparatus coined by Pierre Bourdieu will be used. The main objective of the paper is to understand the meanings of these strategies, especially in relation to the achieve and maintain the social distinction. From the wills it is possible to map several strategies in the achieve and maintain the social distinction. However, it is necessary to go beyond the idea that we have at the present time about education and that it is restricted to school, this and other institutions similars (seminaries, boarding schools, convents) In general were restricted to very specific social groups in this region and age. In this way, what is intended here is to understand how religion, crafts, as well as school and teachers worked for these families in order to educate their descendants. In addition, it seeks to understand how these families were organized to ensure the education, in the wide sense, of their descendants in a period and region that did not exist, schools or colleges and religious orders do not operate in Minas and also there were not yet clear state policies for education. Keywords: Strategies; Educational strategies; Bourdieu; Eighteenth century.

scholarly journals FUNGSI PARTAI POLITIK DALAM MENINGKATKAN PARTISIPASI POLITIK DITINJAU DARI HUKUM POSITIF

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
Suimi Fales
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
Political Education ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Recruitment

Abstract: The fact that at this time political education carried out by political parties is still very lacking. Political education is carried out only during the campaign period leading up to the election, namely voter education in terms of elections and political parties' vision and mission, this indicates that political education carried out is directed at choosing the party. The very complex relationship between social problems and political aspects makes it difficult for most citizens to understand the social dimension and the political dimension of their existence. It is also difficult to recognize political rights and their political role. The results of the study are according to Law No. 2 of 2011, that the functions of political parties are: first political education for members and the wider community to become Indonesian citizens who are aware of their rights and obligations in the life of the community, nation and state; second Creation of a climate conducive to the unity and unity of the Indonesian people for the welfare of society; thirdly Absorbers, collectors, and channelers of the people's political aspirations in formulating and determining state policies; political participation of Indonesian citizens; and fourth, political recruitment in the process of filling political positions through a democratic mechanism by paying attention to gender equality and justice.Keywords: Political Party, Participation, Law

Rawlsian Perfectionism

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 573-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Wall
Keyword(s):  
State Policies ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Bases ◽  
Human Good ◽  
Rawlsian Justice ◽  
Human Excellence

This paper presents and defends a Rawlsian argument for perfectionist state policies. The argument draws on Rawls’s discussion of the “Aristotelian Principle,” highlighting the complex relationship between this principle and the social bases of self-respect. The paper explains how Rawls’s discussion and endorsement of this principle has significant and unappreciated implications for his account of the human good and the state’s role in promoting it in a well-ordered society. Although Rawls explicitly rejected state perfectionism, the paper shows how his conception of justice has the resources to respond to the important criticism that it is insufficiently responsive to the claims of human excellence. Rawlsian perfectionism, in this way, strengthens Rawlsian justice by removing an important reason for rejecting it.

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