Polish nonviolent resistance against foreign occupation 1795–1918

Author(s):  
Jacek Lubecki
2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-416
Author(s):  
Elad Ben-Dror

In December 1992, Israel deported hundreds of Hamas activists to Lebanon. The deportees ensconced themselves at a camp near the village of Marj al-Zuhur, close to the Israeli border. Their sojourn there bolstered Hamas and became a milestone in its development. This article shows how the deportees' success in running the camp as an exemplary Islamic society turned the deportation into a foundational myth for the movement, one centered on nonviolent resistance in the spirit of Islamic values.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 193-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amentahru Wahlrab

This article interprets the globalization of nonviolence and nonviolent resistance through the lens of Manfred B. Steger’s concept of the “global imaginary.” It argues that the globalization of nonviolence and the global imaginary are mutually reinforcing processes. Nonviolent protests are driven by local issues and are, thus, context specific and local but, as in the case of the Arab uprisings, as they spread through themenaand beyond, the uprisings provided historically linked examples of a growing global consciousness, a “global” we.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-61
Author(s):  
Tahseen Ali

AbstractWhen the Indian subcontinent became independent in August 1947, it marked the end of the foreign occupation of the largest country in the world. Renowned for his part in that long struggle for independence was the famous Mahatma ('Great-souled one') Mohandas K. Gandhi, the proponent of non-violence, and his western-educated disciple, Jawaharlal Nehru. Gandhi was said to have charmed the British with his strength and simplicity and compel them into withdrawing from the subcontinent. Yet against the background of Gandhi's famous struggle whispers of another movement were heard, complete with its own leaders and its own vision on the fight for freedom. This paper takes a closer look at that struggle, and its efficacy in the quest for Indian independence. What were its goals and its guiding principles? How did it compare with Gandhi's struggle? This is the untold and alternate story of the Indian subcontinent's war of independence, and the men and women whose sacrifices created an immortal saga of patriotism.


Diacronia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana-Maria Prisacaru

From the perspective of the power relationships manifested in a territory under foreign occupation, institutionalized bilingualism involves the differentiation between the languages coming into contact and their hierarchization according to the communicative functions they are to fulfill within the new state organization governed by a sovereign authority. A linguistic phenomenon that proves to be unbalanced as far as the interfering languages are concerned, this type of bilingualism imposed the German language in Habsburg Bukovina as the only language used in the “administrative structures of the country”, officially declared as such in Northern Moldavia in 1784. The fact that the communication functions of the Romanian language were almost exclusively limited to the colloquial register is the result of an intense policy of linguistic “leveling” (Ausgleichspolitik), implemented by the Court of Vienna in all its imperial provinces in order to reduce national specificity by means of imposing the use of the German language. The cohesion and uniformity of all Habsburg territories was only possible through the reformation, according to the Josephine principles, of the institutions responsible with the preservation of the national identity of the subjugated nations. In Bukovina, the juridical-administrative, church and school sectors were targeted, being affected by the Germanization process especially after the North of Moldavia was incorporated into the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juli Antoni Aguado Hernández

La historia del antimilitarismo en el Estado español es, en gran medida, desconocida. El presente trabajo pretende subsanar parcialmente esta carencia mediante la compilación de la literatura y las fuentes existentes sobre la materia, parciales o basadas en períodos específicos, exponiendo estas resistencias desde el pacifismo inicial del siglo XIX hasta el final de la Guerra Civil. Esta labor se realiza desde la confluencia entre la historia y la sociología, insertando estas movilizaciones en los conflictos y los movimientos internacionales, mostrando cómo se influyen mutuamente, así como la convergencia entre el feminismo y el antimilitarismo. Asimismo, se constata cómo la defensa de la paz o la resistencia al servicio de armas y la militarización social sólo pueden ser movilizadas cuándo la narrativa del sometimiento puede ser percibida como opresión, al imponerse el principio democrático de libertad e igualdad en el imaginario social (tesis de los efectos de desplazamiento). De forma paralela, se evidencia cómo el antimilitarismo proporciona el espacio para la emergencia de nuevos conocimientos y prácticas de resistencia noviolentas (tesis de los movimientos como laboratorios de la sociedad civil), extendiendo la concepción prevaleciente del derecho.The history of antimilitarism in the Spanish State is largely unknown. The present work intends to complete particularly this lack by compiling literature and existing sources on the subject, partial or based on specific periods, exposing these resistances from the initial pacifism of the 19th century until the end of the Civil war. This work is carried out from the confluence between history and sociology, inserting these mobilizations in conflicts and international movements, and showing how they influence each other, as well as the convergence between feminism and antimilitarism.Furthermore, it can be seen how the defense of peace or resistance to arms service and social militarization can only be mobilized when the narrative of subjugation can be perceived as oppression by imposing the democratic principle of freedom and equality in the social imaginary (thesis of the displacement effects). Similarly, it is evident how antimilitarism provides the space for the emergence of new knowledge and practices of nonviolent resistance (thesis of movements as laboratories of civil society) extending the prevailing conception of right.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 36
Author(s):  
Nassima Kerras ◽  
Moulay-Lahssan Baya E.

A sociolinguistic study is made of the Maltese language to compare it to the Algerian language. Algerian is not the official language in Algeria, although it is the national one, and in this article an empirical study is undertaken to question the particularities of Algerian and its formation, comparing it with Maltese which has itself gained official status. Maltese, or “the language of the kitchen” as it is known, has gained important status on the island after decades of foreign occupation and linguistic influence from various civilizations that left palpable paw prints on the Mediterranean island. Maltese has managed to successfully confirm its linguistic identity, through a noticeable influence of Arabic, Italian and English amongst other languages that have imposed themselves and had a hand in forming the Maltese language. A sociolinguistic and historical study is made to explain the formation of Algerian comparing it to Maltese and the influence of history in both languages. A historical study is made to compare and observe the historic diachronic of both countries, and we compare the influence of foreign languages in Algeria and Malta. Likewise, an empirical study is undertaken to question the use of Algerian from various angles, and to examine the linguistic identity in Algeria.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document