Two Constitutional Tasks: Setting Up the Indian State and the Indian Government

Author(s):  
Ranabir Samaddar
2021 ◽  
pp. 251484862110469
Author(s):  
Heather Plumridge Bedi

The Indian government advocates for a major shift from national reliance on coal to more renewable energy sources. While these aspirations are laudable, a political ecology review reveals the uneven power relations associated with the introduction of renewable energy in the southern Indian state of Kerala. Drawing from fieldwork, research traces how Kerala government solar projects, including schemes to promote rooftop solar, prioritize middle- and upper-class consumers. Historically marginalized communities, including people living below the poverty level and Adivasis (indigenous peoples), are not a priority for the state agency implementing renewable energy and thus are not beneficiaries of cleaner energy. This disconnected approach builds from and exacerbates historical political and resource inequalities and enables the persistence of social and environmental injustices, even while moving towards a lower-carbon future. This model does not allow for all residents to actively engage in decision-making about energy processes and proves to be a missed opportunity to think holistically about development and energy in tandem. Energy democracy provides ideas to disturb this uneven power structure, with cooperatives being one possible way to implement this change. As the case of Kerala underscores, India may undergo an energy transition, but it will not be a just energy transition without significant changes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Agur

This article examines Indian telecom policy from independence to the present. Dividing this period into three phases – from 1947 to 1984, 1984 to 1991 and 1991 to the present – the article explores the role of the state in India’s dramatic transformation from a telecommunications laggard to one of the world’s largest markets in mobile communication. It draws on a wide range of government documents, institutional surveys (domestic and international) of Indian telephony, memoirs and analyses by policy officials, and interviews with telecom executives. This article makes two arguments. First, it emphasizes the importance of external forces, including economic pressures, obligations to foreign creditors and the arrival of outsiders into key policymaking positions. Second, it provides an alternative to the simplistic argument that the state has ‘left telecommunications to the private sector’. Rather than abandon its role in network building and maintenance, the Indian government has deployed its power in specific and deliberate ways. While much of this policy development was unanticipated and at times accidental, Indian telephony has been transformed from an inward-looking and defensive statist monopoly to an internationalized, technocratic marketplace.


On November 8th, 2016, the Indian Government announced the demonetisation of the 500-rupee and 1000-rupee currency notes. Demonetisation is the process in which particular notes or coins are withdrawn from the circulation as a legal tender. The main objectives of demonetisation are, in general, to control corruption, black money, the finance of terrorist organisations and the duplicity of currency notes within a country. In the case of India, the 500-rupee and 1000 rupee notes ceased to be a legal tender starting from December 31st, 2016, and people having this demonetised currency notes had to change them or deposit them into their bank accounts. The objective of this research paper is to highlight the impacts that demonetisation brought to India.


1976 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 171-173
Author(s):  
D.N. Beach

Gaining access to the Portuguese archives in Goa, now part of the Indian state of Goa, is (or, at least, was in my case) relatively easy. About two months in advance I wrote to Dr. V.T. Gune, the Director, asking permission to carry out research. After clearance had been obtained from New Delhi—I had the impression that no research on Africa would be regarded as “sensitive” by the Indian government—Dr. Gune very quickly granted me access.The archives are located in the town of Panjim in Goa, which can be reached by bus from neighboring Maharashtra or by the daily plane from Bombay and Trivandrum. Intending visitors should bear in mind that the monsoon can (and often does) sever all of these routes at various times. Panjim supplies most human needs, but microfilm has rarely been seen there since the Indian occupation of Goa in 1961, and researchers are warned to bring their own, although the actual work will be done by the photographic section. The section prefers extra fine grain Recordak Microfile Pancromatic 35mm double-perforated film, although similar films are acceptable. The main archives building houses most of the files, and researchers are provided space in the Archivist's office. Photography, however, is carried out at a separate depot in town. Unless they are unusually busy, the photographic staff can process material very quickly; in my case, they were able to film 863 exposures in little more than a week.


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 520-541
Author(s):  
Sushmita Nath

In academic writings on multiculturalism in India the “ Shah Bano controversy” (1985–1986) has been a much cited example of the incompatibility between gender equality and cultural diversity. As a response to the Supreme Court’s Shah Bano verdict in 1985, the then Congress-led Indian government introduced the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986. In this article, I analyze the parliamentary debates on the aforementioned Act in order to examine the dominant normative vocabulary of the Indian state in debating the issue of religious freedom versus demands for democratic citizenship rights. Such an exercise sheds light on how the Indian state has reconciled group-differentiated rights – the legal recognition of Muslim Personal Law in this case – with the liberal democratic principles enshrined in the Constitution of India. The analysis of the parliamentary debates on the Muslim Women’s Bill shows, firstly, that when purportedly incommensurable demands of gender-justice and religious freedom come to an elected deliberative forum, it is not necessary that such demands are resolved through “consensus” or through “negotiation and compromise,” as has been argued by multicultural theorists. Secondly, the analysis of the parliamentary debates also demonstrates that while the proponents of the Bill prioritized group rights at the expense of individual rights, the opponents neglected the concern that vulnerable minority groups should be accorded differential treatment. I thus contend that both the proponents and the opponents of the Muslim Women’s Bill in the Parliament argued in terms of formal equality and lacked arguments based on substantive equality. Finally, I argue that although the Congress government prioritized group rights in the parliamentary debates, it did not give up the ideal of a common civil code, such that the government left the question of accommodating gender-equality concerns unresolved. It was thus left to the judiciary to determine whether to further entrench legal pluralism in the family law of India.


Author(s):  
Dr. Sudipta Mondal ◽  
Gourab Das

In the present context, all the countries are trying to achieve sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). India is also trying to do the same with the help of different initiatives. Among these SDGs, one of the vital SDG is SDG9 which is related with industry, innovation and infrastructure. In the recent years Indian government has published SDG scores and innovation index for all the States. Government in general publishes Public Finance reports which consist of different expenditure for the people and states development. Considering this, it has been tries to find out whether or not the related economic contribution of the states and central government can be helpful to realise and estimate the innovation and SDG9 of the states. By using correlation analysis and linier regression model, it has been found that the significant contribution are found with respect to the research expenditure in agriculture and total research expenditure of the states. The results implied that the state governments should take proper initiative regarding the research expenditure in science and technology, that can enhance innovation capability more.


2020 ◽  
Vol 79 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-620
Author(s):  
John Harriss

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Indian government, led by Narendra Modi, imposed a stringent lockdown with only four hours notice. It paid no attention to the millions of migrants who work on a temporary basis in Indian cities. Most lost their livelihoods as a result of the lockdown, and millions sought to return to their native villages. At the same time, the rural economy confronted its own difficulties caused by the lockdown. The relief that the Modi government offered to the large numbers of poor people who had been adversely affected by its response to COVID-19 was limited and poorly delivered. The episode showed the lack of responsiveness of Indian democracy to the needs of working people and the failures of development. Yet Modi's particular brand of authoritarian populism worked so well that a government displaying very little compassion retained strong popular support.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lydia Walker

Jayaprakash (JP) Narayan was an activist, politician and political thinker who attempted to use peace negotiations on India’s borders to renegotiate the postcolonial Indian state. This article tracks JP’s efforts to find non-national vehicles for regional nationalist demands through his positions on the contentious political questions of a Nagaland in India, and a Tibet in China. It locates JP within the Anglophone international peace movement that transitioned from support of Indian independence to a critique of the state violence of the Indian government, and traces JP’s thinking and work in support of some degree of autonomy for Tibet and Nagaland. Finally, this article connects these projects to JP’s non-statist critique of Indian state sovereignty, arguing that through a more decentralised and inclusively organised India, JP sought to re-organise what decolonisation had wrought.


2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 770-799
Author(s):  
Salma Ahmed ◽  
Ranjan Ray

SummaryThis study aimed to assess whether shocks experienced by children in the mother’s womb can have an adverse effect on their future health, and whether these effects can be ameliorated by government welfare schemes. Data were taken from three phases of the Young Lives Survey carried out in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh in 2002, 2007 and 2009–2010. Different types of in utero shock were distinguished from the data. Using ordinary least squares (OLS) estimation, it was observed that multiple in utero shocks reduced children’s weight-for-age and height-for-age z-scores by 0.07–0.08 and 0.08–0.15 units respectively. The roles of two Indian government welfare schemes – the Midday Meal Scheme (MDMS) and the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) – in mitigating the adverse effects of in utero shocks were examined. While the effect of the MDMS was statistically insignificant, that of the NREGS was significant. Although not designed to protect child health, the NREGS has been playing a more effective role than the MDMS in acting as a buffer against the damaging effects of in utero shocks on child health. The study points to the need for greater co-ordination between the two welfare schemes.


Author(s):  
Pradip Ninan Thomas

The WIPO Treaty for the Visually Impaired was preceded by the Indian government amending its copyright laws in support of the rights of the visually impaired. This chapter explores the nature of Indian advocacy in relation to one of the best global success stories linked to the expansion of communication rights. The chapter highlights issues related to access to knowledge against the background of global media advocacy, beginning with the MacBride Report and the WSIS. It highlights the role of the Indian State in both national and global advocacy—its commitment to the rights of people with disabilities in the context of the ‘book famine’, in contrast with countries such as the USA and the regional bloc, the EU, that opted to support the interests of the copyright industries. It uses Polanyi’s concept of the ‘double movement’ to illustrate the State’s role in correcting an imperfect market.


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