Solsona, Justo José (1931--)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvio Plotquin
Keyword(s):  
Reinforced Concrete ◽  
Buenos Aires ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Juan Domingo Peron ◽  
Architectural Production ◽  
The Government ◽  
Architecture And Design ◽  
Abstract Shapes ◽  
The City

Justo Solsona is an Argentinian architect, the onset of whose activity corresponds to the process of political reorganization which followed the collapse of the government of Juan Domingo Perón (1955). During this period the political agenda aimed to use architecture and design in a bid to encourage eloquent modernization, metropolitan culture, and upgraded technology. As a result, a dozen works placed Solsona at the heart of architectural production in Argentina. The proposed 300-house complex in La Boca, south of the city of Buenos Aires, winner of the competition sponsored by the National Mortgage Bank (1957), and designed in partnership with the architects Ernesto Katzenstein, Gianni Peani, and Josefa Santos, was a high-density original and fresh answer in reinforced concrete to cultural and traditional ways of living. The winner of the second prize in the competition for the design of the National Library (1961), Solsona proposed a sculptural metal roof comprising metabolist abstract shapes that created innovative relationships between the main reading rooms and the lawns of an existing state garden where the new library was to be located. In fact, it was his entry to this competition in collaboration with Flora Manteola, Javier Sánchez Gómez, and Josefa Santos (and later, Carlos Sallaberry) that led to the establishment of the architectural studio MSGSSS, where he remained throughout his subsequent career.

YOUTH POLICY IN MODERN RUSSIA. ABSENTEEISM AND POLITICAL PROTEST

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
High Level

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.

scholarly journals The Financial Investigation of Human Trafficking in the UK: Legal and Practical Perspectives

2019 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 284-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Middleton ◽  
Georgios A Antonopoulos ◽  
Georgios Papanicolaou
Keyword(s):  
Human Trafficking ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Organised Crime ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Law And Policy ◽  
Modern Slavery ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk

A significant body of law and policy has been directed to organised crime generally, with Human Trafficking remaining high on the political agenda. This article conducts a contextualised study of Human Trafficking in the UK, examining the underpinning legal framework before drawing on the expertise of key professionals in the sector, who have been interviewed for this purpose. It is suggested that it is not so much the legal framework that is the problem, but rather there are a number of practical and policy-related considerations that the government should consider as part of their efforts to combat Modern Slavery and Human Trafficking.

The Elements of British Technological Competitiveness

1987 ◽  
Vol 122 ◽  
pp. 72-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Patel ◽  
K. Pavitt
Keyword(s):  
Research And Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foreign Competition ◽  
R And D ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
The Government ◽  
Technological Competitiveness

In this election year of 1987 the state of Britain's technology has remained high on the political agenda. Following the critical report from the House of Lords on civil research and development (1986), the government recently announced changes in its machinery and priorities and expressed concern about British industry's (lack of) funding of R and D compared to the main sources of foreign competition (see HM Government, 1987).

scholarly journals Post-ISIS Iraq and the Shia Armed Groups

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-137
Author(s):  
Kardo Rached ◽  
Ahmed Omar Bali
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Weberian Theory ◽  
Supreme Leader ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City ◽  
Self Defence

The political environment of Iraq in the period from 2011-2014 experienced a great degree of turbulence. Many Sunni tribes in the Anbar, Ramadi and Salahadin regions organized a daily protest against the central government, accusing it of being sectarian. Gradually, these protests become more popular, and the Baghdad government became fearful that it would spread into the other regions of Iraq. In order to control the protests, the government used force, and many were killed. Simultaneously, in Syria, and especially during 2013-2014, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) controlled more land and more people, and to take advantage of the Iraqi people's dissatisfaction with their government, ISIS crossed the border between Iraq and Syria in June 2014. Mosul as the second most heavily populated city was seized by ISIS and the Iraqi army could not fight back, which meant that the Iraqi army retreated from most of the Sunni areas. Even Baghdad, the capital of Iraq, and the city where the central government operates, was threatened. While the Iraqi army was unable to fight against ISIS, the Shia religious supreme leader Al-Sistani called for self-defence and to stand against ISIS. Sistani’s call became a cornerstone for the creation of the so-called Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) with the aim of the fighting against ISIS. In this article, we assess the PMF from different perspectives, for example, using the Weberian theory that the state is the only entity that has a monopoly on violence, considering Ariel Ahram's model of state-sponsored and government-sponsored militias, and finally the devolution of violence to these armed groups.

Evolving Political Discourse on Poverty Alleviation in Sri Lanka

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 171-181
Author(s):  
Upul Abeyrathne
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Poverty Alleviation ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government

There is a voluminous literature on poverty alleviation efforts of Sri Lanka. The present engagement with discourse on evolving political discourse on poverty alleviation touches a different aspect, i.e. instrumental utility of policy in keeping and maintaining the status quo. The study is based on examination of the content of public policies depending on the major strand of thought associated in different eras since colonial presence in Sri Lanka. It helps to identify the continuities and discontinuities of policy discourse. The discussion on the evolution of public policy on poverty alleviation revealed that issues of the poor has occupied a priority in the political agenda of the government whenever a political movement is active in politicizing the poor. However, the very objective of such policies were not aimed at empowering the poor but keeping them subordinated. The study concludes that poverty remains unresolved due to poverty of politics.

Between Institutional Survival and Intellectual Commitment: The Case of the Argentine Society of Writers during Perón’s Rule (1945–1955)

2006 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 591-622 ◽  
Author(s):  
Flavia Fiorucci
Keyword(s):  
Buenos Aires ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
New Era ◽  
Juan Domingo Peron ◽  
Decent People ◽  
Affluent Neighborhood ◽  
The City ◽  
Point Of Departure

An analysis of Peronism constitutes an obligatory point of departure of any study of Argentina’s history since 1945. The advancement of the popular masses toward the Plaza de Mayo on 17 October 1945, clamoring for their new leader (the Colonel Juan Domingo Perón) inaugurated a new era for this nation. For some, especially for those who marched on that day, it represented the beginning of a period of hope. For others, those who looked with stupor at the crowds “invading” the city, this was the start of a decade of undemocratic practices and populist pseudo-fascist reforms. Perón’s rise to the presidency in 1946 would find the majority of the Argentine intelligentsia in the ranks of the opposition. The intellectuals were particularly worried by the emergence of this political movement which, in their eyes, was a combination of a local incarnation of European fascism and the ‘barbaric’ regime of the caudillo Juan Manuel de Rosas. In 1956, the writer Ezequiel Martínez Estrada summarized the horror that this march signified for the “decent people.” He declared it the threat of a “San Bartolomé del Barrio Norte” (an affluent neighborhood in Buenos Aires) and characterized the Peronists as “those sinister demons of the plains which Sarmiento described in El Facundo.” In his description Perón was depicted as a local Franco, a Mussolini or a Hitler. Only those intellectuals who defended different versions of local nationalism joined the enterprise of the colonel-turned-popular-politician and put their hopes in him.

The Land Acquisition Act, 1992 of Zimbabwe

1993 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Coldham
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Land Policy ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Land Distribution ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

The gazetting of the Land Acquisition Bill on 24 January, 1992 unleashed what has been described as the fiercest debate ever known in the history of Zimbabwe. However, the issue of land reform had been back on the political agenda ever since the expiry of the Lancaster House Constitution on 18 April, 1990, and pressures from a variety of quarters, both internal and external, had been brought to bear on the government during the intervening period. In particular, its adoption in 1990 of a document declaring National Land Policy had generated intense controversy. In accordance with the principles set out in that document the government has sought to facilitate the acquisition of land for resettlement purposes, first by amending section 16 of the Lancaster House Constitution and subsequently by enacting the Land Acquisition Act. In formulating its policy the government has recognized both the need to redress inequalities in land distribution and the need to take into account current national and international socio-economic realities. The result is a compromise.

W(h)ither the Human Rights of Indigenous Australians (From Wik to Wickedness?)

1998 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 393-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indigenous Australians ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Native Title ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Government

AbstractThe international community is increasingly concerned with indigenous rights. The essence of the claims that international law seeks to accommodate involves the ability of indigenous people to make decisions about social, cultural, economic and environmental matters in their region. This paper looks at some aspects of the human rights of indigenous Australians from that perspective. It contains three interlocking sections. The first section outlines the background to the Australian High Court decision in Wik Peoples v. Queensland in which the majority of the Court said that aboriginal native title to land could co-exist with pastoral lease activity. The second part looks at the furore provoked by this decision, advancing arguments about the media and political treatment of the issue. Here we contend, doubtless rhetorically ourselves, that the Australian government has moved from Wik to Wickedness in dealing with this issue. The third part looks at recent developments and offers some conclusions as to where the legal resolution of native title to land in Australia might have emerged. In our conclusion we also consider the direction of the political and legal debate since the Australian Labor Party led by Paul Keating lost the 1996 election in a landslide, and the increasing narrowness of an economically conservative political agenda. Our overall theme, which stems directly from that, is the paucity of the political debate over Australian indigenous human rights. Rhetoric has abounded and could prompt many questions about the political debate in Australia over this issue, and the obligations of politicians. Law has formed a vital background to this: at time lauded, at times rejected vehemently by the Government.

scholarly journals State Civilisation: The Statist Core of Vladimir Putin’s Civilisational Discourse and Its Implications for Russian Foreign Policy

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabian Linde
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fault Line ◽  
The West ◽  
Theoretical Justification ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Near Abroad

Abstract The essay examines Vladimir Putin’s civilisational discourse, which arose in earnest with the publication of his presidential campaign articles in 2012. It argues that what makes Putin’s rendering of Russia’s civilisational identity distinctive is its strongly emphasized Statism, understood as a belief in the primacy of the state. This suggests that while his endorsement of a distinct civilisational identity represents an important conceptual turn as regards how national identity is articulated, there are also significant lines of continuity with previous presidential periods, given that state primacy has been at the heart of Putin’s political agenda since the very beginning of his presidential career. This detail also reveals a great deal about the political rationale behind Putin’s commitment to a Russian civilisational identity. It provides the government with a theoretical justification of an illiberal political course. There are important implications for foreign policy-making as well. In relation to the West, there is an attempt to limit its normative reach by depicting liberal values as less than universal. In regional affairs, Russia is attempting to legitimate its involvement in the near abroad on civilisational grounds. The loose definition of ‘co-patriots’ as foreign nationals experiencing some affinity with Russia gives it plenty of leeway in this regard. Lastly, Russia has petitioned for Ukraine’s neutrality based on the argument that the country is straddling a civilisational fault line.

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