Armed Forces and Dictatorships, 20th Century Style

Author(s):  
Michael J. LaRosa ◽  
Germán R. Mejía
Keyword(s):  
1992 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 236-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Dene

France and England have, through the course of history, shared in many historical events, sometimes as the opposing countries on the battlefield and at other times united through conflict, research and discovery. The two countries have, since the late 19th and early 20th century, seen dramatic changes in the role and status of women within their societies, this being especially so with regard to the employment of women. No longer content with their dual roles as wife and mother, they have increasingly looked outside the home and family for a new challenge, and have increasingly turned to those areas of employment which have been seen as male preserves, including the armed forces, medicine and the police service. This paper seeks to trace the record of women's fight to enter the police forces of England and Wales and the non-military police forces of France.


2020 ◽  
Vol II (II) ◽  
pp. 50-65
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Masło

A war is inevitably linked to changes in state borders, and the fighting armies were often occupying a territory of a hostile state by extending their power onto them. In the past, the areas occupied by a hostile state were often integrated to the victorious state (by the so-called deballatio) or subjected to various forms of dependence (e.g. a fief). Starting from the 19th century, a concept has been developed, according to which territorial changes between two belligerent countries are impermissible until the termination of military activities and the conclusion of a peace treaty . As a result of the Hague Conference of 1899 and 1907, an institution of an occupied territory was introduced into the language of international law, i.e. a state territory occupied by an enemy. An annexation, being the result of war, has a different character from the institution of an occupied territory, and a military occupation has not replaced a deballatio. They both coexisted, although they stem from a similar factual situation – a state of war and a consequent intrusion of an enemy on another state's territory. They also bring a similar effect, which is to establish the political system of the occupying state in this territory. As long as war was a legal mean of settling international disputes, the resulting transfer of a territory could not be illegal. During the ‘20s and ‘30s of the 20th century, the states were applying the practice of integrating the conquered territories rather than establishing a military occupation regime, and this met with the appreciation of the then countries. However, the author of this article puts forth a thesis that at the turn of the ‘30s and ‘40s of the 20th century, there was a prohibition of deballatio effected in violation of the then international law, and therefore with the Kellogg – Briand Pact. Territorial annexations, carried out by the Third Reich and the USSR against the territory of the Republic of Poland and other European countries after 1939, were therefore illegal. The purpose of this article is neither to comprehensively discuss the institution of military occupation, nor the prohibition of acquisition of a state territory through the use or a threat to use armed forces, or in particular – to discuss the current nature of the prohibition of deballatio. The intention of the author is to show how the prohibition of deballatio has finally emerged in the international law. When addressing this issue, it is impossible not to discuss the institution of deballatio and the international practice of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries and the institution of military occupation, whose introduction to the international law related to the analysed issue. Only when the military occupation is presented, we will discuss the attempts aiming at prohibiting deballatio which have been made since the 19th century.


Author(s):  
Brian Loveman

Despite the common identification of Chile as “exceptional” among Latin American nations, the military played a key role in 20th-century Chilean politics and continues to do so in the first decades of the 21st century. Both 20th-century constitutions were adopted under military tutelage, after military coups: two coups—1924–1925 (the 1925 Constitution) and the military coup in 1973 (the 1980 constitution). A successful coup in 1932 established the short-lived “Chilean Socialist Republic.” Infrequent but sometimes serious failed military coups decisively influenced the course of Chilean politics: 1912, 1919, 1931–1932 (several), 1933, 1935, 1936, 1938, 1939, 1948, 1954, 1969, June 1973, 1986 (“coup within the coup” against Augusto Pinochet by air force officers), and others. Monographic and article-length histories of each of these events exist detailing their rationale and eventual failure. Severe political polarization in the context of the post-Cuban Revolution Cold War wave of military coups (1961–1976) in Latin America resulted in the breakdown of the Chilean political system in 1973. U.S. support for a military coup to oust the elected socialist president exacerbated the internal political strife. When a military junta ousted socialist president Salvador Allende in 1973, the military leaders claimed that they had ousted the Allende government to rescue Chilean democracy from the threat of international communism and civil war, and to restore the 1925 Constitution and the rule of law In 1973, the armed forces established a dictatorship that lasted almost 17 years and imposed a new constitution that is still in place in 2020 (with amendments). During this period (1973–1990), military officers occupied ministerial posts in the presidential cabinet, a military junta (Junta de Gobierno) acted as the legislature, and much of the public administration was militarized. Massive human rights violations took place involving all three branches of the armed forces and the national police (carabineros). After a plebiscite that rejected continued rule by General Augusto Pinochet and elections in 1989, the country returned to civilian government in March 1990. From 1990 until 2020 the country experienced gradual “normalization” of civil–military relations under elected civilian governments. After 1998, the threat of another military coup and reestablishment of military government largely disappeared. Constitutional reforms in 2005 reestablished much (but not all) of civilian control over defense and security policy and oversight of the armed forces. Nevertheless, reorganization of defense and security policymaking remained salient political issues and the armed forces continued to play an important role in national politics, policymaking, and internal administration.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-87
Author(s):  
Ivo Pikner ◽  
Vlastimil Galatik

Abstract In this article authors depict how the security environment challenges can affect the emerging theory of post-modern war. The 20th century becomes the twilight of modern wars; armed conflicts take the nature of the postmodern wars. The characteristic features of contemporary wars lead to conclusions about the uniqueness of the postmodern wars and the needs for their research. This research is necessary for the understanding of effective ways to use armed force in contemporary and future conflicts and wars.


1987 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 572-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul H. B. Godwin

Introduction Since the late 1970s, when the current programmes seeking to modernize China's defence establishment began, issues of military doctrine, strategy and operations have remained at the forefront of China's quest for a defence capacity capable of being ranked among the world's great powers. As the Chinese leadership contemplated defence modernization, they could not but recognize the Janus-like quality of their armed forces. One face looked back on the people's war traditions that served them so well and for so long, while the other faced the complexities of conventional and strategic nuclear warfare and deterrence in the latter part of the 20th century.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (9) ◽  
pp. 199-201
Author(s):  
Harold Ellis

In the early years of the 20th century, carcinoma of the lung, although quite common in the Western world, had not reached the epidemic proportions of today, where in the United Kingdom it remains the commonest cause of deaths from cancer in both sexes. The cause of this rise can be explained quite easily. At the beginning of the 20th century, tobacco consumption took the form of pipe and cigar smoking, chewing tobacco and inhaling snuff. The tobacco carcinogens produced carcinomas of lip, tongue, mouth and larynx in greater extent than lung. During the First World War of 1914–18, cigarette smoking became common, especially among the armed forces, and this was rapidly followed by the rapid rise in prevalence of lung cancer in the late 1930s.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aynura Pashayeva ◽  
Pari Hasanli ◽  
Tohfa Amrahli

Genocide, which was committed by the Armenians in the Azerbaijani town of Khojaly in the late 20th century, is considered one of the gravest crimes against humanity. Khojaly does not differ from horrific tragedies of Katyn, Lidice, Oradour-sur-Glane, Holocaust, Songmy, Rwanda and Srebrenica, which are etched on the minds of people forever. These atrocities went down in the history of wars as genocides of civilians that shook the world. On the night of 25-26 February 1992, the Armenian armed forces surrounded Khojaly with 10 tanks, 16 armored carriers, nine infantry fighting vehicles, 180 military experts and infantry units of the 366th motor rifle regiment, which was part of the 23rd division of the 4th USSR army deployed in Khankandi. Armed with state-of-the-art weapons, the Armenians razed Khojaly to the ground. Official figures prove that as a result of the genocidal act in Khojaly 613 people were killed, including 106 women, 63 children and 70 elderly. The genocide committed by Armenians against Azerbaijanis in Khojaly in 1992 were investigated on the basis “Azerbaijan”, “Baku”, “Səhər”, “Khalq”, “Respublika”, “Vətən səsi”, “Odlar yurdu”, “Ədəbiyyat”, “Azərbaycan gəncləri”, “525-ci qəzet” newspapers, “Azərbaycan” journal and other press examples in the article. The article is important for the history of Azerbaijan and the Azerbaijani press, for the world genocide researches.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 280-308
Author(s):  
Marina Franco ◽  
◽  
Esteban Pontoriero ◽  

This article explores the history of state terrorism in Argentina during the years 1975-1983, integrating it into a process that covers the entire 20th century. By way of an essay and based on our previous research, as well as on the specific bibliography, the proposal is to explain the conditions of possibility of a paradigmatic case of mass violence including three temporal variables. In the first place, long-term processes are exposed, studying the first decades of the 20th century; then those of the medium term, working on the decades of 1950, 1960 and 1970 and, finally, those of the short term address the conjuncture 1973-1976. Each section deals with a set of analytical elements that we consider essential to understand and explain the process of repressive accumulation that is connected with the massacre of political opponents in the 1970s. In general, we have targeted a series of key actors: the Armed Forces, the Security Forces, constitutional governments, de facto governments, and civil actors linked to the repression. At the same time, we include a set of elements, also decisive: the frameworks of exception, the military doctrine, the dehumanization of the enemy, the legal and illegal methods, and the repressive practices and experiences. We hope to insert state terrorism into a diverse and multi-determined history, in order to better understand and explain a phenomenon of extreme complexity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 20-31
Author(s):  
Yaroslav DZISIAK

From the beginning of its historical existence, the people of Ukraine-Ruthenia appear as a people with weapons: preparing for campaigns, organizing the defense of their land, carrying out colonization measures in the reconquered territories and creating state structures that are intended to organize the socio-military potential of the people. The state structures are based on the military structure. For centuries, the socio-political elite of our people has naturally been of military origin. Thousands of years ago, for the Ruthenian warlord, as later - for the Ruthenian nobility, the Cossacks, the soldiers of the UNR army, and the Galician army, the basic life priorities were concentrated around such concepts as military glory, honor, dignity, courage, etc. Sudden death on the battlefield opened the way to immortality before the fallen warrior - to Vyrii-paradise. Over the centuries, the persistent threat from different sides, first of all, from the nomadic steppe, dictated the military character of different social groups, not excluding the clergy. When, for some reason, the old upper classes were no longer able to perform the military-political task, it was replaced by a new militarized elite who, with renewed vigor and energy, assumed the defense functions. The Ukrainian land gave birth to elites who were capable of holding weapons. The phenomenon of social mobility existed during the Middle Ages, manifested itself in the years of national liberation competitions 1917-1920s. The armed struggle of the Ukrainian people for independence and unity of the First World War and the post-war revolutionary events was one of the most striking pages. This was marked by the rise of national consciousness, a powerful explosion of liberation energy. In terms of the social scale and political importance, the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution has been a phenomenon of European history, taking a prominent place in the liberation-making processes of Eastern Europe. Objective knowledge of national history is an important task not only for the modern professionals of young Ukrainians but also for Ukrainian citizens in general. Long decades of information blockade and historical fraud, which continued in the east and south of Ukraine in the years of independence, created a distorted, even anti-national, idea of ​​Ukrainians' liberation struggles. The millennial history of peoples and the state testify that their existence was determined by the presence of two significant factors: political leadership and capable armed forces. Naturally, the army has always occupied high levels among public institutions. At the same time, history eloquently testifies that no army, however well-armed, can defeat without professional commanders. The generality and the officer corps determine the army - the army's backbone, which concentrates and embodies the historical military experience, national military traditions, preserves the continuity of generations. The names of the active contributors to the development of the Armed Forces during the first quarter of the 20th century, including nearly five hundred generals and at least three thousand colonels, remain white patches of national historiography. This article is not about a purely military elite, but about the military as the offspring of the nobility - people who were formed in the aura of education, culture, traditionalism, and social constructivism. In numerous examples, the descendants of the Ukrainian nobility were the very resource of the nation- and state-building that survived in times of statelessness and denationalization. Keywords Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, publishing, book, periodical.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document