scholarly journals DESCENDANTS OF THE NOBILITY ARE LEADERS OF THE UKRAINIAN ARMED FORMATIONS OF GALICIA OF THE FIRST QUARTER OF THE 20TH CENTURY

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 20-31
Author(s):  
Yaroslav DZISIAK

From the beginning of its historical existence, the people of Ukraine-Ruthenia appear as a people with weapons: preparing for campaigns, organizing the defense of their land, carrying out colonization measures in the reconquered territories and creating state structures that are intended to organize the socio-military potential of the people. The state structures are based on the military structure. For centuries, the socio-political elite of our people has naturally been of military origin. Thousands of years ago, for the Ruthenian warlord, as later - for the Ruthenian nobility, the Cossacks, the soldiers of the UNR army, and the Galician army, the basic life priorities were concentrated around such concepts as military glory, honor, dignity, courage, etc. Sudden death on the battlefield opened the way to immortality before the fallen warrior - to Vyrii-paradise. Over the centuries, the persistent threat from different sides, first of all, from the nomadic steppe, dictated the military character of different social groups, not excluding the clergy. When, for some reason, the old upper classes were no longer able to perform the military-political task, it was replaced by a new militarized elite who, with renewed vigor and energy, assumed the defense functions. The Ukrainian land gave birth to elites who were capable of holding weapons. The phenomenon of social mobility existed during the Middle Ages, manifested itself in the years of national liberation competitions 1917-1920s. The armed struggle of the Ukrainian people for independence and unity of the First World War and the post-war revolutionary events was one of the most striking pages. This was marked by the rise of national consciousness, a powerful explosion of liberation energy. In terms of the social scale and political importance, the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution has been a phenomenon of European history, taking a prominent place in the liberation-making processes of Eastern Europe. Objective knowledge of national history is an important task not only for the modern professionals of young Ukrainians but also for Ukrainian citizens in general. Long decades of information blockade and historical fraud, which continued in the east and south of Ukraine in the years of independence, created a distorted, even anti-national, idea of ​​Ukrainians' liberation struggles. The millennial history of peoples and the state testify that their existence was determined by the presence of two significant factors: political leadership and capable armed forces. Naturally, the army has always occupied high levels among public institutions. At the same time, history eloquently testifies that no army, however well-armed, can defeat without professional commanders. The generality and the officer corps determine the army - the army's backbone, which concentrates and embodies the historical military experience, national military traditions, preserves the continuity of generations. The names of the active contributors to the development of the Armed Forces during the first quarter of the 20th century, including nearly five hundred generals and at least three thousand colonels, remain white patches of national historiography. This article is not about a purely military elite, but about the military as the offspring of the nobility - people who were formed in the aura of education, culture, traditionalism, and social constructivism. In numerous examples, the descendants of the Ukrainian nobility were the very resource of the nation- and state-building that survived in times of statelessness and denationalization. Keywords Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, publishing, book, periodical.

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-22
Author(s):  
T. M. Aitberov ◽  
◽  
M. N. Abdullaev ◽  

The article deals with the development of state formations of ethnic Dagestanis as part of the indigenous population of Transcaucasia. Among scientists, it is generally believed that they are divided: a) for Lezgins and small ethnic groups closely related to them (within Azerbaijan, these are Khinalug, Shahdag-Kryz and Budukhs, Udins, Tsakhurs and Rutuls); b) for Avars. In this article, for the first time, the third relatively large ethnic community of the region is reasonably recorded — the Transcaucasian Dargins (Kaitagans). It is noted that the Dagestani-speaking population of Transcaucasia owned fertile lands, formed a kind of military class and was widely represented in the military-political elite of society. It was state-organized, had its own sources of law. Scientists usually derive the roots of the state and legal development of ethnic dagestanis of Transcaucasia from Caucasian Albania. In this article, the idea is carried out that this provision can be attributed only to a part of the native speakers of the Dagestan languages of the region. As for the Dagestani-speaking population of the left bank of the Alazani, known to Kavkaz scholars as the Zakatala district, along with some adjacent lands, the authors derive the deepest roots of its development in these areas — the state and law — from Lpinia, a strong state of the Transcaucasia of the Sassanid era. The authors conclude that by the end of the Mongolian era, the ethnic Dagestanis of Transcaucasia — despite centuries of being under the rule of Georgian feudal lords and assimilation processes taking place in the region — managed to preserve their ethno-territorial identity, unity and continuity in the development of the institutions of statehood and law. This was facilitated by geographical and religious factors, as well as the continuing organic ties with historical Dagestan. Special attention is paid to the political centers of the revival and development of the statehood of ethnic Dagestanis on the western slopes of the Main Caucasian Ridge during the Middle Ages and modern times


Author(s):  
GREGOR POTOČNIK

Povzetek Grožnje nacionalni varnosti se preoblikujejo zelo hitro. Prebivalci države pričakujejo, da se bo nacionalnovarnostni sistem učinkovito in uspešno odzval na te grožnje. Izvedbeno se lahko nacionalnovarnostni sistem države odzove samo tako, da v sistem zagotavljanja nacionalne varnosti vključi vse svoje vire v upanju sinergičnih učinkov. Uporaba oboroženih sil za zagotavljanje notranje varnosti je bila izredna naloga oboroženih sil. Obramba oziroma obrambna sposobnost vojske, ki se izvaja v notranjosti države za notranjo stabilnost in varnost države ob zakonskih in primarno konceptualno določenih nalogah vojske in policije, predstavlja zakonodajni in operacionalizacijski izziv države. Ključne besede Slovenska vojska, Policija, izredna pooblastila vojske, operacionalizacija. Abstract Nowadays, threats to national security are transforming extremely rapidly. The people of a country expect the national security system to respond effectively and successfully to these threats. Implementation-wise, a country's national security system can only respond by including all its resources in the national security system hoping to achieve synergistic effects. The use of the armed forces to ensure internal security was an extraordinary task of the armed forces. The defence and the defence capacity of the military, which are in addition to the legal and primarily conceptually determined tasks of the military and the police aimed at ensuring internal stability and national security in the interior of the country, represent a legislative and operational challenge of the state. Key words Slovenian Armed Forces, Police, extraordinary powers of the army, operationalization.


Author(s):  
V. Nazarkin ◽  
O. Semenenko ◽  
A. Efimenko ◽  
V. Ivanov

The task of choosing the rational number of power structures is always one of the main priorities of any political leadership of the state. An insufficient number of armed forces is a threat to the national security of the state; an excess number creates pressures on the development of the country's national economy. Today, when the development programs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine are being formed in the context of the practical application of their units and subunits to carry out combat missions, questions of choosing a priority approach to the formation (justification) of the rational size of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is an urgent issue. The article proposes a structure for conducting research on the development and implementation of the methodology of military-economic substantiation of the rational strength of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the system of defense planning of Ukraine in the formation of programs for their development for the medium and long term. The main objectives of this methodology are: scientific substantiation of the range of the necessary strength of the Armed Forces of Ukraine for the period of the program of their development; the choice of the indicator of the rational size of the Armed Forces of Ukraine according to the years of the program from a certain range of its changes; military-economic substantiation of this number under the influence of various limiting factors. The development and implementation of such a methodology will increase the efficiency of the formation and implementation of development programs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, as well as the efficiency of using public funds for the development of power structures.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-69
Author(s):  
Magdalena Ujma

Abstract An analysis of the relationship between Jan III Sobieski and the people he distinguished shows that there were many mutual benefits. Social promotion was more difficult if the candidate for the office did not come from a senatorial family34. It can be assumed that, especially in the case of Atanazy Walenty Miączyński, the economic activity in the Sobieski family was conducive to career development. However, the function of the plenipotentiary was not a necessary condition for this. Not all the people distinguished by Jan III Sobieski achieved the same. More important offices were entrusted primarily to Marek Matczyński. Stanisław Zygmunt Druszkiewicz’s career was definitely less brilliant. Druszkiewicz joined the group of senators thanks to Jan III, and Matczyński and Szczuka received ministerial offices only during the reign of Sobieski. Jan III certainly counted on the ability to manage a team of people acquired by his comrades-in-arms in the course of his military service. However, their other advantage was also important - good orientation in political matters and exerting an appropriate influence on the nobility. The economic basis of the magnate’s power is an issue that requires more extensive research. This issue was primarily of interest to historians dealing with latifundia in the 18th century. This was mainly due to the source material. Latifundial documentation was kept much more regularly in the 18th century than before and is well-organized. The economic activity of the magnate was related not only to the internal organization of landed estates. It cannot be separated from the military, because the goal of the magnate’s life was politics and, very often, also war. Despite its autonomy, the latifundium wasn’t isolated. Despite the existence of the decentralization process of the state, the magnate families remained in contact with the weakening center of the state and influenced changes in its social structure. The actual strength of the magnate family was determined not only by the area of land goods, but above all by their profitability, which depended on several factors: geographic location and natural conditions, the current situation on the economic market, and the management method adopted by the magnate. In the 17th century, crisis phenomena, visible in demography, agricultural and crafts production, money and trade, intensified. In these realities, attempts by Jan III Sobieski to reconstruct the lands destroyed by the war and to introduce military rigor in the management center did not bring the expected results. Sobieski, however, introduced “new people” to the group of senators, who implemented his policy at the sejmiks and the Parliament, participated in military expeditions and managed his property.


2021 ◽  
Vol 255 ◽  
pp. 01032
Author(s):  
Denys Lisovenko ◽  
Nadiia Burdeina ◽  
Oleksandr Fedchenko ◽  
Stanislav Nikul ◽  
Viacheslav Holovan

The study is devoted to the problem of financial regulation of the defense industry and the provision of troops, as the escalation of the military conflict in eastern Ukraine has revealed shortcomings in this area. A comparative analysis of NATO and Ukraine’s defense spending was conducted and differences in the cost structure were identified. The tendency of Ukraine’s defense spending to gradually approach the structure of NATO defense spending is pointed out, but the insufficient level of this approach is also taken into account. The analysis allowed to identify problematic issues and inconsistencies in the financial regulation of the defense industry. The state of export of defense equipment and technologies as a possible source of financing of defense enterprises is analyzed. The existence of two opposite trends in the financial regulation of military logistics has been identified: both an increase in funding in absolute terms and a reduction in the share of the total amount for the implementation of the unified logistics system of the State Armed Forces Development Program. The developed mathematical model of supply of military units is suitable for use in information systems of logistical support of troops.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Alex Costin

A half century before the New Jersey Supreme Court endorsed inclusionary zoning in Southern Burlington N.A.A.C.P. v. Mount Laurel Township, the state struggled to secure basic municipal zoning. While New Jersey’s political elite embraced zoning in the 1910s and 20s to weather a period of tremendous growth and change, a disapproving judiciary steadfastly maintained that the practice violated basic property rights. Hundreds of state court decisions in the 1920s held zoning ordinances unconstitutional. Finally, the people of New Jersey in 1927 overwhelmingly passed an amendment to the state constitution overruling those decisions and affirming zoning as a reasonable exercise of the state’s police power. This essay traces those uncertain early years of zoning in New Jersey. The amendment was not the result of a state monolithically coming to its senses. Instead, its passage documents a decade-long struggle played out not only in the courts and legislature but also in the press and the town meeting.


Author(s):  
Yuliia Yu. Bobrova ◽  
Yuriy O. Bobrov

The analysis of numerous scientific publications demonstrates the great relevance of gender studies at the current stage of Ukrainian social development, in almost all spheres of social relations. As for ensuring equal participation of men and women in the functioning of the military organisation of the state, the implementation of such a gender balance contributes to improving civilian control over it through the possibility of developing the capacity of regulatory bodies in gender issues, promoting dialogue between the community and control bodies, and drawing public attention to the problems of accountability of institutions of this organisation. The main purpose of this study is to highlight the state of gender equality in the military organisation of the state through the lens of civilian democratic control. The study determined the state of legislative regulation of the concept of military organisation of the state and civil democratic control. The study analysed the introduction of a gender perspective in Ukraine in the subject matter and the dynamics of establishing a gender balance in the military organisation of the state; the impact on existing trends of legislative initiatives. It is stated that the modern Ukrainian army is mostly “male”. Despite the fact that women are allowed to serve in the military, they do not take part in making socially important decisions, they do not hold high military positions, and career growth is challenging for them. The study identified the main problems of implementing gender equality in the Armed Forces of Ukraine and other structures of the Defence Forces of Ukraine, which are more based on social stereotypes of pre-defined roles for men and women. Civil control over the Armed Forces is described as a socio-political process in this area


2020 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2095143
Author(s):  
Morten Brænder ◽  
Vilhelm Stefan Holsting

Traditionally, the military is seen as an unequivocally authoritarian organization. With survey data collected at the Royal Danish Military Academy, this study shows that that is a qualified truth. Thus, cadets enrolled directly from the noncommissioned officer corps—those most acquainted with the norms of the armed forces—do not weigh authoritarian leadership values over nonauthoritarian ones. Instead, their view reflects that for the experienced leader, the context, and not overt ideals, enables them to choose the leadership tools they expect will prove most effective. On the contrary, cadets enrolled based on their civilian merits clearly prioritize authoritarian values. This is particularly true among cadets returning to the military after a break, former professionals, and former draftees alike. Their view also reflects experience, but a different kind of experience, as they have primarily encountered the military hierarchy from the receiving end.


Author(s):  
Oren Barak

Since Lebanon’s independence in the mid-1940s, its military—the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)—has played a pivotal role in the country’s politics. The political role of the LAF in Lebanon might seem surprising since the Lebanese state did not militarize, and its political leaders have continuously managed to keep their military relatively weak and small. Indeed, in this respect Lebanon has been markedly different from its close neighbors (Syria and Israel), but also from several other Middle Eastern states (especially Egypt and Iraq), where the military, which was large and powerful, was continuously involved in politics. Additionally, both Lebanon and the LAF have persistently striven to distance themselves from regional conflicts since 1949, particularly in relation to the Palestinian issue, albeit not always successfully. Still, and despite these ostensibly unfavorable factors for the military’s involvement in politics in Lebanon, the LAF has played an important political role in the state since its independence. This role, which has been marked by elements of continuity and change over the years, included mediation and arbitration between rival political factions (in 1945–1958, 2008, 2011, and 2019); attempts to dominate the political system (in 1958–1970 and 1988–1990); intervention in the Lebanese civil war (in 1975–1976 and 1982–1984); attempts to regain its balancing role in politics (in 1979–1982 and 1984–1988); and facilitating the state’s postwar reconstruction (since 1991). The political role of the military in Lebanon can be explained by several factors. First, the weakness of Lebanon’s political system and its inability to resolve crises between its members. Second, Lebanon’s divided society and its members’ general distrust towards its civilian politicians. Third, the basic characteristics of Lebanon’s military, which, in most periods, enjoyed broad public support that cuts across the lines of community, region, and family, and found appeal among domestic and external audiences, which, in their turn, acquiesced to its political role in the state.


2018 ◽  
Vol 146 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Witold Jagiełło

Character and conditions for cooperation of country defence industry with military technical research institutes, involved in defence and security activities, are essential to circumstances encouraging for a better fulfilment of demands in the state security sector and for concentration of researches on priorities and development of preferred technologies. The paper illustrates the scientific-research capacities of the military technical research institutes and the factors motivating their scientific-research activities focused on the deployment of results into the realisation of demands of armed forces technical upgrading.


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