scholarly journals Postcolonial Practice of Interfaith With-ness

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-90
Author(s):  
Baiju Markose

An attempt to develop the postcolonial practice of interfaith with-ness as a means of radical protest and resistance against the religious fundamentalism and crony capitalism in India has enormous significance today. The postcolonial practice of interfaith with-ness is not only a theoretical postulation but also a radical with-ness (being with) shared with the religious others. The idea proposes a radical politics of recognition, politics of difference, and politics of creative dialogue, rather than an apolitical “practice of tolerance” on which the traditional idea of interreligious dialogue is grounded. As a humble attempt, several Christian expropriations of the idea are being voiced in this essay with a spirit of religious confidentiality. And, the study uses empire criticism and intersectionality as the primary analytical tools.

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 206
Author(s):  
Ryan D. Giles

The purpose of this essay is to examine depictions of interior peace, as well as exterior peacemaking in the world, in representative works by Ramon Llull, written during the later thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. I will show how Llull’s goal of ending conflict involved interreligious dialogue and an attitude of intellectual openness, but at the same time advocated problematic efforts to proselytize religious others that were to be backed up by military force. While the writer’s conceptualization of inner, spiritual combat and peacemaking draws on a number of Christian conventions, we will see how it can also be fruitfully compared to Islamic traditions.


Intersections ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalma Feró

In the history of post-WWII Western emancipation movements, a marked shift took place from a liberation to a recognition paradigm. The latter embodies a distinctly post-political conceptualisation of social justice in its (re)formulation of the political with respect to the personal and with respect to social relations. As a result, recognition politics not only gives way to the fragmentation of justice claims, but also weaponises them against each other, as for instance ‘sexual and gender minority’ politics have expropriated crucial political arenas from feminist politics. These permutations of recognition politics are not the result of spontaneous, inevitable development, but that of political intervention devised to transform, neutralise, and absorb radical politics. Recognition politics has thus become a basic hegemonic strategy of transformism, consensus-building, and the forging of ‘common sense.’ Despite the mechanisms deployed to manage its internal contradictions (like the rainbow coalition and intersectionality), reinvigorated criticisms have blamed recognition politics for the crumbling of the current hegemony of liberalism. However, recognition seems to have been so deeply embedded in the social and cultural imagination that apparently neither internal critiques, nor the currently emerging counter-hegemonic projects can shake it off.


Author(s):  
Helen F. Siu

The term “China” presents many faces and meanings. The wealth of differentiating experiences beneath the surface of an enduring, naturalizing uniformity encompassed by the term has intrigued scholars, prompting them to call for analytical tools that illuminate the paradox at various historical junctures. A basic assumption is required, which forms the basis of this paper: “Chineseness” is not an immutable set of beliefs and practices but a process that captures a wide range of emotions and states of being. It is a civilization, a place, a polity, a history, and a people who acquire identities through association with these characteristics. I will highlight crucial moments in the construction of cultural identities in a region loosely termed South China (Huanan), where different meanings of being Chinese are selectively pursued. Instead of presenting reified, objectively identifiable traits and boundaries imposed on a population, I stress their fluid and negotiated qualities as perceived by those asserting them. However circumstantial the contestations, and however duplicitous these identities may have seemed, their emergence is also rooted in particular social, political, and economic relationships.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Theo WA De Wit

How should we evaluate Charles Taylor’s famous essay “The politics of recognition” (1992) and other related texts in a time where, at least in Europe, the ideal of a “multicultural society” has lost appeal? This article first tries to set out the way in which Taylor links the modern concepts of recognition, identity and authenticity, and how he argues why modernity not only demands a politics of equal dignity but also a politics of difference. We also discuss his more recent proposal, rethinking the whole idea of secularism and a “secular democracy” – again: to prepare a just and workable answer to societies marked by (not only religious) diversity. We conclude our contribution with three critical remarks on Taylor’s approach: about the recent politicization of culture in Europe and elsewhere, about the necessity of a new role of the public domain, and about the core concept of authenticity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 77 (308) ◽  
pp. 837-851
Author(s):  
Elismar Alves dos Santos

Síntese: Neste artigo, o autor reflete sobre a dimensão psíquica do fundamentalismo religioso, mostrando como se dá o processo de repressão da vivência espiritual. Para indivíduos fundamentalistas e neuróticos, encontrar um substituto para a repressão do espiritual significa optar pelo fundamentalismo religioso. O fundamentalismo religioso manifesta-se a partir de atitudes concretas de pessoas e grupos. Pessoas que pertencem a grupos fundamentalistas têm um nome e uma história. Por isso, é importante acentuar algumas particularidades da estrutura de personalidade de indivíduos que agem movidos por seus ideais fundamentalistas. Indivíduos com tendência ao radicalismo fundamentalista podem entrar numa desordem caótica devido à repressão. O fundamentalismo religioso seria a manifestação do que foi reprimido ao longo do processo de construção da personalidade?Palavras-chave: Neurose. Personalidade. Psicopatologia. Fundamentalismo religioso. Diálogo inter-religioso.Abstract: In this article, the author talks about the psychological dimension of religious fundamentalism, showing how the process of repression of spiritual experience occurs. For fundamentalist and neurotic individuals, finding a substitute for spiritual repression means opting for religious fundamentalism. Religious fundamentalism manifests itself from the concrete attitudes of people and groups. People who belong to fundamentalist groups have a name and a history. It is therefore important to emphasize some particularities of the personality structure of individuals who act driven by their fundamentalist ideals. Individuals prone to fundamentalist radicalism may enter into chaotic disorder due to repression. Could religious fundamentalism be the manifestation of what was repressed throughout the personality construction process?Keywords: Neurosis. Personality. Psychopathology. Religious fundamentalism. Interreligious dialogue.


Author(s):  
Ellyda Retpitasari ◽  
Luluk Fikri Zuhriyah

This paper aims to discuss multiculturalism thinking from Europe and Asia, such as Bikhu Parekh, Daniel Conjanu, and Charles Taylor. Multiculturalism thinking is explored for the sake of Da'wa, or it can be called as multiculturalism preaching. This study uses literature review, and analysis of multiculturalism phenomena in the city of Surabaya. These thinkers used a number of approaches in terms of recognition politics, new identity politics, political equality with dignity, politics of difference, accommodative multiculturalism, and pragmatism. In the analysis of the Da'wa approach is divided into two, namely the structural approach and cultural approach. The structural approach refers to politics that encompasses politics of recognition, politics of new identity, politics of equality with dignity, and politics of difference. As for the cultural approach, it encompasses accommodative multiculturalism and pragmatism. Through this multicultural preaching approach it becomes an offer in overcoming the problems of preaching in multicultural societies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 30-78
Author(s):  
Thomas Albert Howard

This chapter offers a brief but comprehensive review of some of the premodern historical antecedents following the launch of Chicago's Parliament of Religions. It recounts the profile of the Mughal emperor Akbar (r. 1556–1605), who on the cusp of the modern age represents an especially arresting case in his efforts to bring multiple religious voices from the Indian subcontinent, together with European Jesuit missionaries, into conversation with one another. The chapter seeks to spotlight several salient examples of harbingers of interreligious dialogue. It draws preponderantly from Western and, to a lesser extent, Islamic civilizations after the advent of Christianity — with the partial exception of the Mongol court and Akbar. The chapter also emphasizes that not only do the terms interreligious and interfaith not exist in the premodern world, but the same is true for our present-day usage of religion. Ultimately, the chapter discusses the instances of and ideas about conversation/debate/dialogue among various religious groups or individuals that, whether intentionally or not, resulted in mutual understanding or at least bear witness to “religious others” interacting and intellectually taking stock of one another.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Günther Sandner

In addition to the socialist discourse on popular education, theoretical contributions of Austro-Marxist intellectuals such as Karl Renner, Otto Bauer and Otto Neurath on multiculturalism represent an important intellectual source of leftist culturalism. Considering actual debates, the Austro-Marxist approach on nation and culture moved between the politics of recognition and the politics of difference. Their concept combined both the recognition of (a positively evaluated) difference between national cultures and the demand for political unification transcending the nation state. Beyond their contemporary context, the Austro-Marxist concept gains in importance even for today by formulating a possible combination of political and economic unity on the one hand and cultural difference (and diversity) on the other. In a way, the Austro-Marxist approach represents a political and cultural concept of ‘nations without nationalism’.


Author(s):  
Charles W. Allen

Irradiation effects studies employing TEMs as analytical tools have been conducted for almost as many years as materials people have done TEM, motivated largely by materials needs for nuclear reactor development. Such studies have focussed on the behavior both of nuclear fuels and of materials for other reactor components which are subjected to radiation-induced degradation. Especially in the 1950s and 60s, post-irradiation TEM analysis may have been coupled to in situ (in reactor or in pile) experiments (e.g., irradiation-induced creep experiments of austenitic stainless steels). Although necessary from a technological point of view, such experiments are difficult to instrument (measure strain dynamically, e.g.) and control (temperature, e.g.) and require months or even years to perform in a nuclear reactor or in a spallation neutron source. Consequently, methods were sought for simulation of neutroninduced radiation damage of materials, the simulations employing other forms of radiation; in the case of metals and alloys, high energy electrons and high energy ions.


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