ANALYSIS OF THE SYMBOLS ON THE SOCIALIST PARTY EMBLEM IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD IN TERMS OF VISUAL COMMUNICATION CONCEPTS

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (15) ◽  
pp. 75-85
Author(s):  
Engin UĞUR ◽  
Samed Ayhan ÖZSOY ◽  
Burçin TUNCAY

In many countries with a multi-party system, there are parties that have adopted socialist ideologies. These parties, which are in the category of left parties, generally advocate a strong state structure and the equal distribution of the opportunities of the country to all layers of the society. Although they have a large party structure to be an alternative to right-wing parties in some countries, they do not have a significant value in the eyes of the voters as a marginal party that appeals to a very small segment of the society in some countries. However, changing conditions and especially the failures of those in the administration cause socialist and similar parties to gain value in society as a hope. It is the general characteristic of socialist parties that they often take a serious stance against the populist party understanding. In addition, their weak point is that they prefer more traditional and economic methods instead of election campaigns where large expenditures are made because they do not receive support from large capital centers. A party that wants to struggle in today's multi-party structure has to do what is necessary in order not to fall behind the others. In particular, corporate identity structures that are not made by the professional team create an image that is well behind the day. Emblems and logos, which visually create a meaning and message for people and are perceived instead of the name of the party, are of great importance. Socialist parties' preference for classic logos with symbols that reveal their characteristic mentality constitutes a structure far behind today's modern graphic design product level. In the article, randomly selected socialist party logos from different countries of the world were analyzed within the framework of visual communication concepts. Analyzes are universal concepts that visual communication has produced under its own conditions from hundreds of years of experience. However, when these concepts are used with a critical structure, it is inevitable that there will be differences in evaluations according to personal perception differences.


2020 ◽  
pp. 030981682098238
Author(s):  
Miloš Šumonja

The news is old – neoliberalism is dead for good, but this time, even Financial Times knows it. Obituaries claim that it had died from the coronavirus, as the state, not the markets, have had to save both the people and the economy. The argument of the article is that these academic and media interpretations of ‘emergency Keynesianism’ misidentify neoliberalism with its anti-statist rhetoric. For neoliberalism is, and has always been, about ‘the free market and the strong state’. In fact, rather than waning in the face of the coronavirus crisis, neoliberal states around the world are using the ongoing ‘war against the virus’ to strengthen their right-hand grip on the conditions of the working classes.



1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felice Rizzi

A FEW YEARS AGO, GALL1 AND PRANDI WROTE THAT THE UNIFICATION of the socialists represented a phase of rationalization of the Italian political system. Not only did the re-unification of the PSI (Socialist Party of Italy) and the PSDI (Social Democratic Party of Italy) lead to a simplification of the party subsystem (by reducing its excessive numbers), thus rendering the choice between alternatives easier for the electorate. But at last a single voice seemed to emerge which could undertake the task of opposing the twenty years of Christian Democrat predominance, which had been responsible for so many aspects of political ‘immobilism’. Moreover it was possible to discern a strategic design in the socialist plans — an optimistic design perhaps, but entailing possible innovations. The formation of a strong Socialist Party might have led to the overcoming of one of the principal - if not the greatest - defects of the Italian party system: the absence of a mechanism of rewards and punishments.



1999 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Reynolds

This article reports the results of a survey of women in legislatures and executives around the world as they were constituted in 1998 (N = 180). The chief hypotheses regarding the factors hindering or facilitating women's access to political representation were tested by multivariate regression models. The regression models juxtaposed a cocktail of institutional, political, cultural, and socioeconomic variables with the following dependent variables: (1) the percentage of MPs who are women and (2) the percentage of cabinet ministers who are women.A number, although not all, of the cited hypotheses were statistically confirmed and more finely quantified. The socioeconomic development of women in society has an effect on the number of women in parliament but not in the cabinet. A country's length of experience with multipartyism and women's enfranchisement correlates with both the legislative and the executive percentage. Certain electoral systems are more women friendly than others. The ideological nature of the party system affects the number of women elected and chosen for cabinet posts. And last, the state's dominant religion, taken as a proxy for culture, also statistically relates to the number of women who will make it to high political office. However, other long-held hypotheses were not proved. The degree of democracy is not a good indicator of the percentage of women who will make it into the legislature or the cabinet, nor is the dichotomy between a presidential or parliamentary system.



Author(s):  
David Stasavage

Historical accounts of democracy's rise tend to focus on ancient Greece and pre-Renaissance Europe. This book draws from global evidence to show that the story is much richer—democratic practices were present in many places, at many other times, from the Americas before European conquest, to ancient Mesopotamia, to precolonial Africa. Delving into the prevalence of early democracy throughout the world, the book makes the case that understanding how and where these democracies flourished—and when and why they declined—can provide crucial information not just about the history of governance, but also about the ways modern democracies work and where they could manifest in the future. Drawing from examples spanning several millennia, the book first considers why states developed either democratic or autocratic styles of governance and argues that early democracy tended to develop in small places with a weak state and, counterintuitively, simple technologies. When central state institutions (such as a tax bureaucracy) were absent—as in medieval Europe—rulers needed consent from their populace to govern. When central institutions were strong—as in China or the Middle East—consent was less necessary and autocracy more likely. The book then explores the transition from early to modern democracy, which first took shape in England and then the United States, illustrating that modern democracy arose as an effort to combine popular control with a strong state over a large territory. Democracy has been an experiment that has unfolded over time and across the world—and its transformation is ongoing. Amidst rising democratic anxieties, the book widens the historical lens on the growth of political institutions and offers surprising lessons for all who care about governance.



2021 ◽  
Vol 94 (1) ◽  
pp. 228-236
Author(s):  
A. B. Kolokoltseva ◽  

Russia is the largest country in the world and occupies one of the leading places on the planet in terms of natural resources, but the bulk of deposits were explored to some extent more than a quarter of a century ago, back in the Soviet era. Due to the changes in the sources of financing for the reproduction of mineral resources and geological exploration of the subsurface, qualitative and quantitative indicators are reduced by an order of magnitude, which leads to greater risks in the development of mineral deposits. Even despite the large number of scientific papers, the economic situation forces us to search for more modern and multi-parametric methods for evaluating the efficiency of mining. The article considers the main economic methods for evaluating the efficiency of mining, determines their essence and application features. On the basis of conducted analysis, disadvantages and advantages of using the studied methods were identified, and the author's interpretation of the economic assessment of efficiency of mining resources was given.



2021 ◽  
pp. 27-51
Author(s):  
Fernando Casal Bértoa ◽  
Zsolt Enyedi

The second chapter introduces the dataset of the book, defines its units of measurement, and operationalizes its key concepts. We discuss the method of creating our principal tool of analysis, the composite closure index. We reflect in detail on the question of how experiences accumulated through time can be taken into account when measuring stability. Finally, in a validation exercise, we also investigate whether our closure index could have been used to predict which democracies collapsed around the world between the two World Wars. With this exercise we also show that closure is a better proxy for party system institutionalization than the more traditionally used indicator, the electoral volatility index.



Author(s):  
Richard Connolly

While Russia has not fully diversified, it has a stronger presence in the software industry, is one of the world’s biggest exporters of diamonds, and its substantial wheat exports demonstrate increased stability since the days of the Soviet Union. ‘Russia in the global economy’ looks at Russia’s landscape, reminding us that while Moscow resembles other glamorous urban centres, great swathes of this large country are off-grid. When Russia has succeeded financially, the world economy has historically been healthy. Will another downturn in the markets impact Russia? Looking at the success of China and the Gulf States, is a strong state always a barrier to business?



Author(s):  
Michael Lauener

Abstract Protection of the church and state stability through the absence of religious 'shallowness': views on religion-policy of Jeremias Gotthelf and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel out of a spirit of reconciliation. The article re-examines a thesis of Paul Baumgartner published in 1945: "Jeremias Gotthelf's, 'Zeitgeist and Bernergeist', A Study on Introduction and Interpretation", that if the Swiss writer and keen Hegel-opponent Jeremias Gotthelf had read any book of the philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, some of this would have received his recognition. Both Gotthelf and Hegel see the Reformation to be the cause of the emergence of a strong state. For Gotthelf, this marks the beginning of a process of strengthening the state at the expense of the church. Hegel, on the other hand, considers the modern state to be the reality of freedom, produced by the Christian 'religion of freedom' (Rph, §270 Z., p. 430). In contrast to Gotthelf, for whom only Christ can reconcile the state and religion, Hegel praises the French Revolution as "reconciliation of the divine with the world". For Gotthelf, the French Revolution was only a poor imitation of the process of spiritual and political liberation initiated by the Reformation, through which Christ reduced people to their original liberty. Nevertheless, both Gotthelf and Hegel want to protect the state and the church from falling apart, they reject organizational unity of state – religion – church in the sense of a theocracy, and demand the protection of church communities.



2000 ◽  
Vol 94 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enno Hermann

This article argues that discourses of ‘the national’ in Australia have increasingly come to be treated in commodified terms — that is, in the language of advertising. It looks at the advertising campaign that accompanies the upcoming Sydney Olympic Games, where Australia features as a tourist spectacle of an idealised global culture. Images of natural beauty, multicultural harmony and particularly Indigenous culture are highlighted in this unprecedented opportunity for Australia to sell itself to the world. Treating the Sydney Olympics in this way, as a global media event, allows for some reconsideration of the processes and the images employed in Australia's national imagining.



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