scholarly journals Political and economic transformation of the PRC in the third quarter of the XX century: from “new democracy” to “cultural revolution”

2021 ◽  
pp. 72-79
Author(s):  
G. U. Khajiyeva
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Integrated Approach ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Interethnic Relations ◽  
The Third ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Mass Migration

The purpose of this article is to investigate the essence and destructive consequences of political and economic campaigns carried out in the third quarter of the XX century in China. The author makes an attempt to reconstruct the picture of the political, economic and social development of China in the period under study, to substantiate the specifics of the implementation of reforms in Xinjiang, to trace the interrelationships of economic, political and interethnic relations that are developing both in the region itself and between the central government and national autonomy. This study is aimed at identifying the relationship between socio-economic transformations in China and mass migration of the population, primarily of national minorities, to Kazakhstan. Particular attention was paid to the study of the radical transformations carried out in Xinjiang province since 1955 in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), since here the general negative consequences were aggravated by the ethno-political factor, increasing the push-out effect of the migration of the indigenous population of the ethnic minorities region. Based on the studied scientific literature, as well as the application of the method of historical detailing, several stages of China’s modernization were identified, which were uneven and extremely painful. The features of each stage were studied in details, the accumulated facts were ordered, cause-and-effect relationships were established between the political and economic development of China and the mass migration from China to Kazakhstan in the 1950–1970s. The use of a multifactorial integrated approach made it possible to understand the nature of many phenomena in the economic life of the XUAR and their dependence on political events, solving issues of nation-building, interethnic relations.

scholarly journals KONFLIK SELATAN FILIPINA: ISU, CABARAN DAN PENYELESAIAN[CONFLICT IN THE SOUTHERN REGION OF THE PHILIPPINES: ISSUES, CHALLENGES, AND SOLUTIONS]

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Ruhanas Harun
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Southern Region ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Viable Solution ◽  
Socio Economic Development

The conflict in the Southern Region of the Philippines has been going on for decades with no viable solution to be seen. This is due to the clash of interests, identities and aspirations between both parties. The opposition of the Moro people towards the political domination of the central government has its roots in the colonial times. Their aspirations towards rights of self -determination goes against the interests of the Philippines Government in defending the nation’s sovereignty, security and territorial integrity. The Bangsamoro’s claim to political autonomy and socio-economic development and the removal of discrimination against them is still yet to be properly addressed by the central government, thus reducing their trust in the central government’s sincerity in achieving a peaceful solution to the conflict.  Agreements reached during the peace process were not properly implemented, thus adding pressure to both parties. Peace negotiations are also stunted due to the refusal of both parties to compromise on their stances. Should this conflict continue to drag on, both parties will face negative consequences, especially for the Bangsamoro. The way forward in achieving peace must ensure the survival of the Bangsamoro identity and culture, without being excluded from the Filipino national mould.Keywords: Bangsamoro, conflict of interests, identity, roots of conflict, Southern Region of the PhilippinesCite as: Harun, R. (2017). Konflik Selatan Filipina: Isu, cabaran dan penyelesaian [Conflict in the Southern Region of the Philippines: Issues, challenges, and solutions]. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 66-78. AbstrakKonflik yang melanda selatan Filipina antara kerajaan pusat dengan wilayah selatan negara tersebut sejak berdekad lamanya masih gagal menemui sebarang titik penyelesaian disebabkan pertembungan kepentingan, identiti dan aspirasi yang berbeza kedua pihak. Penentangan orang-orang Moro terhadap dominasi kuasa politik kerajaan pusat berakar umbi sejak zaman kolonial lagi. Cita-cita Bangsamoro untuk mendapat hak menentukan masa depan sendiri sebagai sebuah komuniti bebas bertentangan dengan kepentingan dan hak kerajaan Filipina mempertahankan kedaulatan, keselamatan dan keutuhan wilayahnya. Dasar-dasar yang dilaksanakan oleh kerajaan untuk mengintegrasi Bangsamoro ke dalam acuan nasional Filipina mengancam kelangsungan identiti mereka. Tuntutan Bangsamoro untuk mendapatkan autonomi politik, pembangunan sosio-ekonomi serta penghapusan diskriminasi masih belum diberi layanan yang sewajarnya oleh kerajaan pusat. Ini secara tidak langsung menghakis kepercayaan Bangsamoro terhadap keikhlasan pihak kerajaan pusat mengenai proses damai dan kemampuan rundingan yang diadakan bagi mencapai penyelesaian secara aman. Segala persetujuan yang dicapai di sepanjang proses damai tidak dapat dilaksanakan dengan berkesan sekaligus menambah tekanan kepada kedua pihak. Rundingan damai juga menghadapi kebuntuan disebabkan keengganan berkompromi akan pendirian masing-masing. Hakikatnya jika konflik selatan Filipina ini berlanjutan, ia akan merugikan kedua pihak, terutamanya Bangsamoro. Halatuju penyelesaian perlu menjamin penerusan identiti dan budaya Bangsamoro sebagai satu golongan minoriti tanpa meminggirkan mereka dari acuan nasional Filipina.Kata Kunci: Bangsamoro, identiti, punca konflik, pertembungan kepentingan, Selatan Filipina

Nigeria: Regional Politics and Dynamics

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Owen
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Legitimacy ◽  
Political Factions ◽  
Directed Development ◽  
Governmental Institutions

The politics of Nigeria have often been considered a matter of managing social diversity in a political economy whose extremes have been exaggerated by oil money. But this story is incomplete without thinking instead more deeply about inequality, about political party origins and ideologies as well as identities, and about politics beyond parties and elections. Bureaucracy, mass mobilization, and everyday practice are equally important issues in Nigerian politics as the country moves through another economic transformation. Nigeria’s political structures have been built around questions of managing diversity and allocating resources, and the country’s federal system embeds a tension between how much power is managed from the center and how much is devolved to the constituent states and local governments. As well as parties, legislatures, and executives, security institutions have been prominent in the country’s political formation, and public institutions are both formed around, and are vectors of forming, elite social networks. Partly due to long-standing models of social legitimacy and partly as a result of the kind of identity politics Nigeria has chosen to manage diversity, models of citizenship based on localized belonging are pervasive drivers of political patterning. Political factions and parties, often characterized as election-winning aggregations of patron-client networks, also however embed distinct historical ideological traditions, which chart Nigeria’s movements between liberal capitalism and state-directed development and which have driven both domestic debates and a continental and regional leadership role. Tensions around inequalities and the realm of the political more generally cannot be understood as a matter of governmental institutions alone but bring in religion, gender construction, labor movements, the media, civil society, and new social movements, as well as the “ineffable politics” of tactic, techniques, norms, and practices that fix the realm of the political as a key part of everyday social and economic life.

scholarly journals The strategy of Spain in the United Nations

2021 ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
I. L. Prokhorenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Eu

The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

scholarly journals The strategy of Spain in the United Nations

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
I. L. Prokhorenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Eu

The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.

scholarly journals Hybrid Power Sharing: On How to Stabilize the Political Situation in Multi-segmental Societies

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (56) ◽  
pp. 85-107
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Trzciński
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Hybrid Power ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Subject

There are various ways of reducing conflicts and of stabilizing the political situation in states where society is made up of many different ethnic groups and religious communities, and where relations between these segments – or between them and the central government – are tense. A particularly important way is the establishment in those states of a political system based on power-sharing (PS), which allows members of various ethnic and religious segments to take part in the exercise of power. The literature on the subject usually discusses two models of PS: consociationalism and centripetalism. A third model is encountered in practice, however, that of hybrid power-sharing (HPS), which combines the institutions of the first two. The main objective of this article is to explain the nature and origins of HPS. As examples, I will use the political systems of Nigeria and Indonesia. In the first part of the article I explain briefly the nature of PS, and of its two main models; in the second I explain what HPS is; in the third I analyze the emergence of HPS, and give the causes of the inclusion of consociational institutions in political systems in which centripetal institutions are dominant, using the cases of Nigeria and Indonesia; I draw conclusions in the final part.

Palestinian Diaspora Communities in Latin America and Palestinian Statehood

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
South America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Right

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.

Issues Surrounding the Development of the Neo-Nazi Scene in East Berlin

2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Brothers
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
German Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Culture ◽  
East Berlin ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third Reich

The rise of neo-Nazism in the capital of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) was not inspired by a desire to recreate Hitler's Reich, but by youthful rebellion against the political and social culture of the GDR's Communist regime. This is detailed in Fuehrer-Ex: Memoirs of a Former Neo-Naxi by Ingo Hasselbach with Tom Reiss (Random House, New York, 1996). This movement, however, eventually worked towards returning Germany to its former 'glory' under the Third Reich under the guidance of 'professional' Nazis.

Assessing the Quality of Management of Transformation Processes in Economic Systems

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (9) ◽  
pp. 952-956
Author(s):  
M. V. Malyshkina ◽  
M. V. Miroslavskaya
Keyword(s):  
Systems Approach ◽  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Organizational Transformation ◽  
Quality Criterion ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
Economic Systems ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Management Actions ◽  
Transformation Processes

Aim. The presented study aims to develop the methodology for assessing the quality of management of organizational transformation processes. Tasks. To achieve the set aim, the authors solve the following problems: determine the essence and content of socio-economic transformation, formulate quality assurance principles for the management of transformation processes, draw attention to the problem of selecting a unified quality criterion for the management of organizational transformation processes. Methods. This study uses general scientific methods of cognition, including analysis and synthesis. It also applies a systems approach to identify the major problems of assessing the quality of management of transformation processes, including the problem of selecting a unified quality criterion for the management of transformation processes and formulating the principles of ensuring the quality of management of transformation processes. Results. The global problem of managing transformation processes in the economic system consists in the complexity of the managed processes, which increases due to the multidimensionality, mutual influence, and the resulting uncertainty of interactions between the elements of the system. It is concluded that the methodology for assessing the quality of management of transformation processes is based on the principle of integrating separate measures to improve the quality of management of system elements into a single system of management actions and the principle of ensuring that management actions are primarily aimed at preventing possible negative consequences of the transformation of economic systems, i.e. reducing the potential impact of unfavorable events and their consequences. To assess the effectiveness of targeted management actions and productive actions aimed at organizing, controlling, and guiding the transformation process, the authors actualize the problem of selecting an adequate quality criterion for the management of transformation processes in economic systems and put forward a hypothesis about a possible unified criterion of management quality. Conclusions. The principle of integrating separate measures to improve the quality of management of system elements and the principle of ensuring that management actions are aimed at preventing possible negative consequences lie at the core of the methodology for assessing the quality of management of transformation processes in economic systems. The quality assessment methodology should be developed in the direction of finding a unified quality criterion for managing transformation processes in economic systems.

The Impact of Sanctions on North Korea’s Foreign Trade from the Perspective of the Comparative Advantage Theory

2019 ◽  
pp. 4-15
Author(s):  
I. A. Korgun ◽  
G. D. Toloraya
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Trade ◽  
Competitive Advantage ◽  
National Economy ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Rent Seeking ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
Global Trade ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The North ◽  
The Impact

The presented study analyzes the opportunities for North Korea to capitalize on its competitive advantages in foreign trade in the context of sanctions.Aim. The study aims to identify mechanisms that allow North Korea to engage in foreign trade in circumvention of UN sanctions and to analyze their impact on the national economy.Tasks. The authors analyze the structure of North Korea’s national economy, its initial competitive advantage, identify the specific features of North Korea’s foreign trade in the context of sanctions, and determine the consequences of illicit trade in circumvention of sanctions for the national economy.Methods. This study uses an interdisciplinary approach that combines the classical theory of competitive advantage with the concept of rent seeking, with the concept of rent seeking and analysis of trade flows.Results. The study shows that, despite the restrictions imposed by sanctions, North Korea strives to make the most of its advantages, such as resource availability and cheap labor, in global trade. The country builds its own export-import chains in circumvention of sanctions. These chains are rather mobile, flexible, and controlled by the elite. As a result, benefits from trade that could be evenly distributed among the population are concentrated in the hands of a narrow segment of society. ‘Rent seeking’ makes it possible to formulate the negative consequences of these processes for the North Korean economy and the international community.Conclusions. Solving the North Korean issue requires an economic transformation in the country through the replacement of restrictive sanctions with more constructive ones. The exclusion of North Korea from open global trade leads to the country’s marginalization and impairs the transparency of international commodity flows.

The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Screen Bureaucrat

Public Voices ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Vache Gabrielyan
Keyword(s):  
Economic Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Cinema

The depiction of bureaucrats in Soviet cinema echoes the development in the political and economic life the country: it mirrors peoples’ attitudes towards the authorities, towards civic rights and freedoms, changing values and ideas

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