scholarly journals On the Issue of Social Movement Definition

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2 (34)) ◽  
pp. 62-75
Author(s):  
Gayane Harutyunyan

The paper is a theoretical review of “social movement” term definitions. Aiming to show differences among definitions within different paradigms and scientific evolution of the term the main approaches of defining social movements are discussed. Initially, social movements were studied by psychologists, who were examining different forms of collective behavior, such as mobs, crowds, protests and etc. Most of them considered social movements as an irrational and destructive form of collective action driven by the instincts of people. During the next decades, the theory of social movements was developed mostly by sociologists who, on the contrary, started to seek social reasons inducing this type of collective action. Different theoretical schools proposed various concepts of explaining the origin of social movements, but all of them agreed on the main characteristics: rational and organized collective action driven by unfulfilled social needs. Different authors linked social movement definitions with other important social phenomena such as norms and values, social conflict, social identity, and social network. Political scientists have also contributed to the study of social movements but in terms of power and state, terrorism and violence. Discussing psychological, sociological, and political science approaches to term definition we came to the conclusion that the most inclusive sociological definition is viewing social movement as a social network through which collective action is performed to achieve total or partial social change. Such kind of definition makes it possible to reveal the main criteria necessary to distinguish social movement as a separate social phenomenon from other types of collective action.

2020 ◽  
pp. 136843022097475
Author(s):  
Samuel Hansen Freel ◽  
Rezarta Bilali ◽  
Erin Brooke Godfrey

In a three-wave longitudinal study conducted in the first 100 days of Trump’s presidency, this paper examines how people come to self-categorize into the emerging social movement “the Resistance,” and how self-categorization into this movement influences future participation in collective action and perceptions of the movement’s efficacy. Conventional collective action (e.g., protest, lobby legislators)—but not persuasive collective action (e.g., posting on social media)—and perceived identity consolidation efficacy of the movement at Wave 1 predicted a higher likelihood of self-categorization into the movement 1 month later (Wave 2) and 2 months later (Wave 3). Self-categorization into the Resistance predicted two types of higher subsequent movement efficacy perceptions, and helped sustain the effects of conventional collective action and movement efficacy beliefs at Wave 1 on efficacy beliefs at Wave 3. Implications for theory and future research on emerging social movements are discussed.


Author(s):  
Paul Lichterman

This article proposes a new and better concept of civic culture and shows how it can benefit sociology. It argues that a better concept of civic culture gives us a stronger, comparative, and contextual perspective on voluntary associations—the conventional American empirical referent for “civic”—while also improving our sociologies of religion and social movements. The article first considers the classic perspective on civic culture and its current incarnations in order to show why we need better conceptual groundwork than they have offered. It then introduces the alternative approach, which is rooted in a pragmatist understanding of collective action and both builds on and departs in some ways from newly prominent understandings of culture in sociology. This approach’s virtues are illustrated with ethnographic examples from a variety of volunteer groups, social movement organizations, and religious associations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 96-111
Author(s):  
Leandro Gamallo

An analysis of the evolution of social conflicts in Argentina between 1989 and 2017 in terms of three aspects of collective action—the actors in contention, their main demands, and their chosen forms of struggle—reveals important changes since the country’s return to democracy. Collective action has extended to multiple actors, channeled weightier demands, and expanded its forms. With the emergence of progovernment and conservative social movements, it has become apparent that not all movement participation in the state implies weakness, subordination, or co-optation and that social movement action does not necessarily mean democratization or expansion of rights. The right-wing government of 2015 opened up a new field of confrontation in which old divisions and alliances are being reconfigured. Un análisis de la evolución de los conflictos sociales en Argentina entre 1989 y 2017 realizado a partir de tres grandes dimensiones de la acción colectiva (los actores contenciosos, las demandas principales que enuncian y las formas de lucha que emplean) revela cambios importantes. La acción colectiva se ha extendido a más actores, ha canalizado demandas más amplias y se ha expresado de maneras más heterogéneas. Con el surgimiento de movimientos sociales oficialistas y opositores de índole conservador, se ha hecho evidente que la participación de las organizaciones sociales en el estado no siempre significa debilidad, subordinación o cooptación por parte del estado y que la movilización social no necesariamente implica procesos de democratización o expansión de derechos. La llegada de una alianza de derecha en 2015 abrió un nuevo campo de confrontaciones que redefinió antiguas alianzas y divisiones.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Lofland

If it is reasonable to think of collective behavior and social movement (CBSM) studies as the production, organization, and cumulation of research findings, why are there so few efforts to carry out the second and third of these tasks, those of organizing and cumulating findings? One answer is that very few CBSM scholars in fact think in such terms. Instead, many if not most order CBSM in terms of other principles and these principles compete among themselves and with the goals of systematizing and cumulating research findings. In this article, I explain six of these competing principles and contrast them with the goal of systematizing research findings. I then explain four strategic and six operational decisions faced by anyone who does want to organize and cumulate CBSM research.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-409
Author(s):  
SEYED AMIR NIAKOOEE

AbstractThe Second Khordad Movement was a democratic social movement in contemporary Iran. Investigation of this movement revealed two images, of flourish and of decline, as the movement was first generally successful until early 2000 and thereafter began to regress from the spring of that year onwards. The purpose of this article is to provide a comprehensive framework in which to examine the reasons behind the movement's failure and regression. To this end, the study utilizes the literature on social movements, especially the political process model, and attempts to explain the initial success and subsequent decline of the movement based on elements such as political opportunity, framing processes, mobilizing structures, and the repertoire of collective action.


ijd-demos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Maharani ◽  
Nadika Muhammad Ardiansyah ◽  
Rista Bella Annisa ◽  
Zidan Hizbullah

AbstractIn this era of globalization, technology is increasingly being used in all areas of life which has a major impact on social interactions among people. This is marked by the existence of social changes in communication carried out by the community both directly and in cyberspace through digital platforms such as social media applications. Over time, the use of digital platforms is not only used as a means of communication, but is also used in carrying out a digital-based social movement called a digital movement. Like the presence of the Instagram account @aliskamugemash as the embodiment of a digital-based social movement in exploring and preventing the emergence of fraud victims from online dating applications. The research we conducted used a descriptive qualitative approach. With the aim of research to examine and in-depth analysis related to social movements and collective behavior with the @aliskamugemash Instagram account case study. The results found various interactions or movements of Instagram users who participated in voicing and disseminating information to all women to be more careful, as well as to avoid similar incidents from happening to other women.Keywords: digital social movements, sexual crimes, digital platforms, fraud. Abstrak Pada era globalisasi ini teknologi semakin gencar digunakan dalam segala bidang kehidupan yang kemudian pun berdampak besar pula pada interaksi sosial di antara masyarakat. Hal ini ditandai dengan adanya perubahan sosial dalam berkomunikasi yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat baik dilakukan secara langsung maupun dengan dunia maya melalui platform digital seperti aplikasi sosial media. Seiring berkembangnya waktu, penggunaan platform digital tidak semata-mata hanya digunakan sebagai alat berkomunikasi saja, namun dimanfaatkan pula dalam melakukan sebuah pergerakan sosial berbasis digital yang disebut digital movement. Seperti hadirnya akun Instagram @aliskamugemash sebagai perwujudan sebuah gerakan sosial berbasis digital dalam mengupas dan mencegah munculnya korban penipuan dari aplikasi kencan online. Penelitian yang kami lakukan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif. Dengan tujuan penelitian untuk menelaah dan analisis mendalam terkait gerakan sosial dan perilaku kolektif yang dengan studi kasus akun Instagram @aliskamugemash. Hasilnya ditemukan beragam interaksi ataupun gerakan para pengguna instagram yang ikutserta menyuarakan dan menyebarluaskan informasi kepada seluruh perempuan untuk lebih berhati-hati, juga menghindari kejadian serupa berulang pada perempuan lainnya. Kata kunci: gerakan sosial digital, kejahatan seksual, platform digital, penipuan.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aliza Luft

Preprint, final version in Sociology Compass available at: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/soc4.12304/fullDespite a recent turn towards the study of political violence within the field of contentious politics, scholars have yet to focus their lens on genocide. This is puzzling, as the field of collective action and social movements was originally developed in reaction to fascism (Nazism in particular), while research on collective action and research on genocide has long shown parallel findings and shared insights. This paper reviews the history of this scholarly convergence and divergence, and suggests that recent findings of research on genocide can be improved by the consideration of concepts from social movements and collective action. It then details three theories of the micro-mechanisms that mobilize individuals for contention – framing, diffusion, and networks – and specifies how they refine existing explanations of civilian participation in genocide. In the conclusion, I suggest that a contentious politics approach to genocide would consider it one form of collective action among others, analyzable within the existing framework of collective action and social movement theory.


2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (6) ◽  
pp. 894-910 ◽  
Author(s):  
Todd Nicholas Fuist ◽  
Elizabeth Mogford ◽  
Abhijit Das

The sociology of social movements has often drawn a fine line between individualistic “lifestyle movements” and more politically oriented collective action. Yet, this distinction belies the fact that seemingly individualistic movements can generate cognitive maps and associational ties necessary for wider mobilization. Drawing on a qualitative study of the Indian men’s feminist movement Men’s Action to Stop Violence against Women (MASVAW), we examine how an ostensibly individualistically oriented lifestyle movement can create the potential for collective action through forging social networks of like-minded individuals who can draw on local knowledge of specific situations to quickly mobilize their peers. Through this, we contribute to the literature on social movement networks by synthesizing theorizing on lifestyle movements with theorizing on activist social networks, demonstrating how networks can shift movements between different modes of coordination, from individualistic and everyday to collective and activist.


Author(s):  
Eduardo Romanos

According to cross-national surveys, Spaniards are among the Europeans who participate the most in street protests. At the same time, Spanish social movements have been generally understood as deploying a less radical protest repertoire and a relatively weak organizational model. Building upon central concepts in social movement studies, this chapter analyses these and other features of the Spanish activist tradition as compared to other Western countries. An especial attention is paid to the strongest protest cycles in Spanish recent history: the years of the democratic transition and the Great Recession. In doing so, this chapter aims to address the long-term effects of regime transition on domestic collective action and organized protest.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-292
Author(s):  
Manuela Badilla Rajevic

This article reflects on the connections between space, social movements, and urban memory by analyzing the effects of quarantine on the massive Chilean anti-neoliberal movement. It explores two aspects of the quarantine that have unsettled and challenged the spatial dimension of collective action: restrictions on transit through the city and the imposition of hygienic measures on infrastructure and social interactions. The article suggests that these aspects represent a concrete threat to social movements, while at the same time push to strengthen alternative spaces and repertoires of action. It concludes by illustrating the role of urban memories on the potential continuity of the mobilizations and their demands.


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