scholarly journals GOVERNMENT MAKING: REBUILDING GOVERNMENT SCIENCE

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Sutoro Eko

The paper provides a critical overview of the Bulaksumur School, which has pioneered and left the governmental science (GS), and the Bandung-Jatinangor School, as the mainstream school, which reorganizes the GS in the sense of public management. We present the Timoho School, which remaking GS, with the main orientation being government making (GM). First, idealistically-axiologically, GM  has an ideological-philosophical basis on populism which aims to achieve justice. Second, GM thinks about how the government and parliament act politically and legally with the constitution, legislation, and regulations, not only for ordering the state but for changing the state, which contributes to the transformation of the people into citizens. Third, GM is a body of GS knowledge that has a monodisciplinary basis, is able to produce theories of government, and uses various governmental perspectives to describe, understand, and explain the phenomena of people's lives outside the realm of the office. Fourth, government making distinguishes GS from political science which speaks of state making, and public administration which speaks of policymaking. The relationship between government and state is the entry point for GS’s attention. Fifth, GS’s knowledge bodies can be formed and enriched with five major concepts: government, governing, governability, governance, and governmentality.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-44
Author(s):  
Nashiruddin

Al-Mawardi is one of the famous Islamic thinkers, He is also a prominent figure of the Shafi'i school. he became Supreme Court Justice (Qadi al-Qudat) in the Abbasid government when Al-Qadir came to power. Yet he is a prolific writer. Quite a lot of his work in various branches of science: ushul fiqih, fiqih, hadith, tafsir, fiqih siyasah (constitutional). Through fiyih siyasah this name stands out. One of his famous works and referred to political science and government is his book "al-Ahkam al-Sulthoniyyah". In his book Al Mawardi discusses the principles of statehood such as: the position of the caliph and his conditions, the manner of his appointment, the relationship between the state and the people, the basic foundation for a state to stand, and also about the dismissal of the caliph (when a caliph is derived from his position) and other issues related to the constitution.


Dialogia ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
MK Ridwan

Abstract: Indonesia as a pluralism nation-state has established Pancasila as the state ideology. Pancasila is the result of the conceptualization and history of the struggle of the Indonesian. It contains the noble values and keeps the spirit of the nation's struggle. Due to the failures of the government in developing the country, radical groups appeared for replacing Pancasila ideology into Islamic Shari'a. They claims that Pancasila along with three other pillars as the ideology of "taghut". This paper aims to construct meaning and understanding of the relationship between Islam and Pancasila in the framework of national philosophy. It further offerssome alternatives concept and interpretation of the theological-philosophical basis of the process in the integration of Islam and Pancasila. Pancasila is not only the state ideology but it also represents a theological-philosophical construction encompassing Islamic principles. It signifies vision of Islam, which provides the understanding that the formulation of Pancasila idea is in fact inspired by Islamic concepts and values. It comprises the vision of Islam in its treatise. However, both concepts existentially have autonomous rights. It imply that Islam is a religion and Pancasila is ideology. Pancasila will not be a religion and religion will not be an ideology. ملخص:اندونيسيا كدولة وطنية مع وجود التعددية قد قررت المبادئ الخمسة (بانجاشيلا) كأيديولوجية الدولة. وكان بانجاشيلا يصور نتيجة الفكرة والتاريخ الطويل من كفاح سكان الإندونيسيا. فهي تحتوي على القيم النبيلة للأمة وتحافظ على روح كفاح الأمة. ولكن حينما حدث العديد من فشل الحكومة في إدارة البلاد فهناك بعض الجماعات المتطرفة التي ترغب في تغيير بانجاشيلا بالشريعة الإسلامية، بل كانت هذه الجماعة دعى أن بانجاشيلا وثلاثة مبادئ أخرى بأيديولوجية طاغوت. وتهدف هذه المقالة بناء معنى جديد للعلاقة والتكامل بين الإسلام وبانجاشيلا في إطار الفلسفة الوطنية. وفي نفس الوقت يحاول الكاتب لتقديم الفكر الجديد والتفسير عن الأساس اللاهوتي والفلسفي لعملية الاندماج بين الإسلام وبانجاشيلا. وهكذا، يمكن أخذ الاستنتاج أن بانجاشيلا هي أوسع من مجرد بناء الأيديولوجية للدولة الوطنية، ولكنها تصور أيضا عن البناء الفلسفي اللاهوتي الذي يحتوي على المبادئ الإسلامية. وحتى كانت بانجاشيلا تتضمن على جميع رؤية الإسلام التي تعطي على فكرة بانجاشيلا التي مصدرها من المفاهيم الإسلامية وقيمها. إذن كل ما احتوى فى بانجاشيلا مناسبة برؤية الإسلام. ولكن لكل منهما حقوقا مستقلة، وهذا يعني أن الإسلام دين وبانجاشيلا أيديولوجية ولن تكون بانجاشيلا دينا وكذلك الدين لن يكون إيديولوجيا. Abstrak: Indonesia sebagai negara-bangsa dengan segala komposisi pluralitas di dalamnya, telah menetapkan Pancasila sebagai ideologi negara. Pancasila adalah hasil konseptualisasi dan sejarah panjang perjuangan bangsa Indonesia. Di dalamnya memuat nilai-nilai bangsa yang luhur dan menyimpan spirit perjuangan bangsa. Namun, seiring dengan banyaknya kegagalan pemerintah dalam membangun negara, terdapat kelompok-kelompok ekstremis yang ingin mengubah Pancasila dengan Syariat Islam. Bahkan kelompok tersebut menyebut Pancasila beserta tiga pilar lainnya sebagai ideologi “taghut”. Tulisan ini bermaksud membangun makna dan pemahaman baru atas relasi maupun integrasi antara Islam dengan Pancasila dalam kerangka falsafah kebangsaan. Sekaligus berusaha menawarkan alternatif pemikiran dan interpretasi mengenai basis teologis-filosofis proses integrasi Islam dan Pancasila. Sehingga, dapat disimpulkan bahwa Pancasila lebih dari sekadar bangunan ideologi negara-bangsa, tetapi juga merepresentasikan suatu konstruk teologis-filosofis yang memuat prinsip-prinsip keislaman. Bahkan apa yang diusung oleh Pancasila secara keseluruhan termasuk visi Islam, yang memberikan pemahaman bahwa perumusan ide Pancasila sejatinya diilhami oleh konsep dan nilai-nilai keislaman. apa yang diusung oleh Pancasila secara keseluruhan menjadi visi Islam dalam risalahnya. Hanya saja keduanya secara eksistensial memiliki hak otonomi tersendiri. Artinya bahwa Islam adalah agama dan Pancasila adalah ideologi. Pancasila tidak akan menjadi agama dan agama tidak akan menjadi ideologi. Keywords: Integrated, Pancasila, Islam, The State Ideology  


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (01) ◽  
pp. 9-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hal G. Rainey

The title of this lecture refers to organizations, politics, and public purposes to emphasize developments in the analysis of public organizations and their management and the need for that analysis to include politics as an influence on those organizations. The Gaus Award recognizes contributions in the joint tradition of public administration and political science. Organizations serve as essential components of the administrative branch of government and of virtually all other aspects of human life and many other forms of life. Social scientists that I call “organization theorists” have developed theory and research about organizations and the people in them. This body of work provides concepts and insights useful for the analysis of the organizations in government, which I call “public organizations.” Organizations play crucial roles in the pursuit of values and goals shared by large aggregates of people. “Organizations, Politics, and Public Purposes: Analyzing Public Organizations and Public Management” refers to these shared values and goals as public purposes. Organizations are essential to public administration and we cannot effectively analyze organizations in public administration without concepts developed by political scientists; we need to draw on political science.


Author(s):  
Diogo Santos

On Liberty by John Stuart Mill is about democracy, the limitations to political power, and the actions of individuals that protect the ability of the people to pursue their dreams and aspirations, as well as the shaping of modern democratic systems. The objective of this chapter is to review a classic of political science in the light on the current processes and developments in the Digital Age and thus extract new light on the impact the new digital communication technologies have on the relationship between the state and the citizens around the world. The widespread use of social media and digital communications will have and is having deep and unavoidable impacts on the relationship between the state and citizens. However, such impacts raise both hopes of a better future for democracies and dictatorships as well as concerns of privacy, freedom of speech and thought, consistency of public policy, quality of governmental services, and even the legitimacy and lifetime of regimes. The theoretical tools of classical political science may, however, aid us in better understanding such processes and steering change for the best.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


Author(s):  
Akil Ibrahim Al-Zuhari

The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes. The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power. Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sussan Siavoshi

The evolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the dynamics of the relationship between the Iranian state and society can be explored by examining the postrevolutionary regime's policies toward intellectuals, particularly as expressed in its regulation of cinema and book publication. This relationship—at least in the period from the early 1980s to the early 1990s—was complex and nuanced. Factionalism within the regime provided an opportunity for intellectuals to engage the state in a process of negotiation and protest, cooperation and defiance, in pushing the boundaries of permitted self-expression. The degree of their success depended in part on which faction controlled the government and its regulatory agencies during particular phases in the evolution of the postrevolutionary regime.


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document