scholarly journals THE CONCEPT OF COUNTRY IN ISLAM BY PERSPECTIVE IMAM MAWARDY

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-44
Author(s):  
Nashiruddin
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political Science ◽  
The State ◽  
Supreme Court Justice ◽  
The People ◽  
Science And Government ◽  
The Relationship

Al-Mawardi is one of the famous Islamic thinkers, He is also a prominent figure of the Shafi'i school. he became Supreme Court Justice (Qadi al-Qudat) in the Abbasid government when Al-Qadir came to power. Yet he is a prolific writer. Quite a lot of his work in various branches of science: ushul fiqih, fiqih, hadith, tafsir, fiqih siyasah (constitutional). Through fiyih siyasah this name stands out. One of his famous works and referred to political science and government is his book "al-Ahkam al-Sulthoniyyah". In his book Al Mawardi discusses the principles of statehood such as: the position of the caliph and his conditions, the manner of his appointment, the relationship between the state and the people, the basic foundation for a state to stand, and also about the dismissal of the caliph (when a caliph is derived from his position) and other issues related to the constitution.

Rereading John Stuart Mill's On Liberty in the Digital Communications Age

2014 ◽  
pp. 19-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diogo Santos
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Digital Communications ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
The State ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
Use Of Social Media ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

On Liberty by John Stuart Mill is about democracy, the limitations to political power, and the actions of individuals that protect the ability of the people to pursue their dreams and aspirations, as well as the shaping of modern democratic systems. The objective of this chapter is to review a classic of political science in the light on the current processes and developments in the Digital Age and thus extract new light on the impact the new digital communication technologies have on the relationship between the state and the citizens around the world. The widespread use of social media and digital communications will have and is having deep and unavoidable impacts on the relationship between the state and citizens. However, such impacts raise both hopes of a better future for democracies and dictatorships as well as concerns of privacy, freedom of speech and thought, consistency of public policy, quality of governmental services, and even the legitimacy and lifetime of regimes. The theoretical tools of classical political science may, however, aid us in better understanding such processes and steering change for the best.

scholarly journals GOVERNMENT MAKING: REBUILDING GOVERNMENT SCIENCE

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Sutoro Eko
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Management ◽  
The State ◽  
Philosophical Basis ◽  
The People ◽  
Mainstream School ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Critical Overview

The paper provides a critical overview of the Bulaksumur School, which has pioneered and left the governmental science (GS), and the Bandung-Jatinangor School, as the mainstream school, which reorganizes the GS in the sense of public management. We present the Timoho School, which remaking GS, with the main orientation being government making (GM). First, idealistically-axiologically, GM  has an ideological-philosophical basis on populism which aims to achieve justice. Second, GM thinks about how the government and parliament act politically and legally with the constitution, legislation, and regulations, not only for ordering the state but for changing the state, which contributes to the transformation of the people into citizens. Third, GM is a body of GS knowledge that has a monodisciplinary basis, is able to produce theories of government, and uses various governmental perspectives to describe, understand, and explain the phenomena of people's lives outside the realm of the office. Fourth, government making distinguishes GS from political science which speaks of state making, and public administration which speaks of policymaking. The relationship between government and state is the entry point for GS’s attention. Fifth, GS’s knowledge bodies can be formed and enriched with five major concepts: government, governing, governability, governance, and governmentality.

Democracy and Excellence: Concord or Conflict?

2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 535-537
Author(s):  
Laura Stephenson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Class Structure ◽  
The People ◽  
Democratic Societies ◽  
The Relationship

Democracy and Excellence: Concord or Conflict?, Joseph Romance and Neil Reimer, eds., Westport CN: Praeger, 2005, 166, pp. xiv.This volume is the product of a question, asked by Neal Reimer, about the relationship between democracy and excellence. Reimer provides background for this relationship in the first chapter, noting that it can be framed as government by the people versus standards of the good, true and beautiful. Conflict can arise between the two ideas because democracy prioritizes equality of citizens—but excellence depends upon the recognition of differentiating merit. While democracy provides citizens freedom from a limiting class structure, the lack of structure can make citizens indifferent to pursuing a noble vision of the state. Reimer argues, however, that there is a fundamental harmony between democracy and excellence and that examples of excellence in democratic societies (such as the United States) are many. It is possible and likely that democratic societies will attain excellence in practice.

scholarly journals Merebaknya Intoleransi (Hate Speech dan Hate Crime) dalam Politik Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin
Keyword(s):  
Hate Crime ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
The People ◽  
Technical Issues ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.

scholarly journals ANALISIS PENYELESIAN SENGKETA INTERNAL LEMBAGA NEGARA (STUDI KASUS PELANTIKAN PIMPINAN DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH REPUBLIK INDONESIA PERIODE 2017-2019)

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 364
Author(s):  
Yanzah Bagas Nugraha ◽  
Dwi Andayani Budisetyowati
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
State Institution ◽  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Leadership Tenure ◽  
The People ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Republic

The establishment of the Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia so called Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD-RI) at least has two objectives. The first is to enhance justice for the people in the region. Secondly, to expanding and increasing the participation of local communities in national life. The process to form this state institution is done by amending the 3rd amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic Indonesia. However, in doing that  amendment there was an internal conflict within the body of DPD-RI involving the old and the new leaders of this institution last year. The length of leadership tenure which was initially made 5 years was amended to became 2.5 years. The different length of leadership tenure was then canceled by the Supreme Court and it was decided to be the same as other institution such as The People’s Consultative Assembly and The House of Representative in that the leadership tenure should be in accordance with the electoral cycle of 5 years. However, although the regulation of DPD-RI has been canceled, the Supreme Court keeps sending its representative to guide the oath of position of the new DPD-RI leadership. The only regulation that has been introduced by the state was regulation toward conflict between state institutions and this conflict can merely be resolved by the Constitutional Court. Therefore, there is an urgent need for the state to seek solution to solve this problem to prevent the same thing happened to other state institution in the future.

Legislative Department

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-104
Author(s):  
Danny M. Adkison ◽  
Lisa McNair Palmer
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
The State ◽  
Legislative Authority ◽  
The People ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
Supreme Court Rulings ◽  
The U.S

This chapter assesses Article V of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns the legislative department. Section 1 states that “the Legislative authority of the State shall be vested in a Legislature, consisting of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” However, “the people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and amendments to the Constitution and to enact or reject the same at the polls independent of the Legislature, and also reserve power at their own option to approve or reject at the polls any act of the Legislature.” Section 2 provides for the designation and definition of reserved powers. Initiative means the power of the people to propose bills, and to enact or reject them at the polls. Referendum is the right of the people to have bills passed by the legislature submitted to the voters for their approval. Meanwhile, in May 1964, the Oklahoma constitution was amended to conform to the U.S. Supreme Court rulings. The amendment passed and Sections 9 through 16 were replaced with Sections 9A through 11E. The chapter then details the provisions for the Senate and the House of Representatives.

The Illinois Congressional Redistricting Case

1946 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
pp. 958-962
Author(s):  
Franklin L. Burdette
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political Science ◽  
The State ◽  
District Court ◽  
American Political Science Association ◽  
Federal Law ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
State Supreme Court ◽  
The University ◽  
American Political Science

Unsuccessful as plaintiffs and appellees in a prayer for relief under the Federal Declaratory Judgment Act of 1934, as amended, from the effects of the inequitable and outmoded act of Illinois of 1901 creating the present Congressional districts, Kenneth W. Colegrove (who in other capacities is chairman of the department of political science at Northwestern University and secretary-treasurer of the American Political Science Association), Peter J. Chamales, attorney, and Kenneth C. Sears, professor of law at the University of Chicago, have nevertheless received from the District Court and from the Supreme Court encouraging dicta and dissent which foreshadow new developments in election law.The legislature of Illinois has repeatedly refused to redistrict the state for Congressional representation, despite grave and increasing population shifts. A new but inequitable Congressional redistricting act, passed by the General Assembly in 1931, was declared unconstitutional by the state supreme court because it violated federal law and the provision of the Illinois constitution requiring that “all elections shall be free and equal.” Ten years later, when a similar attack was made on the long-standing and much more discriminatory act of 1901, the Illinois supreme court took an opposite view, declaring that the constitutional section is addressed primarily to the legislature and that to argue for a requirement, in all cases, that districts be equal in population “is to assert a millennium which cannot be reached.”

Raising Revenue and Raising Hell

2010 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 227-234
Author(s):  
Christopher Capozzola
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Income Tax ◽  
Income Taxes ◽  
The State ◽  
Personal Income ◽  
Estate Tax ◽  
The People ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Trust Company ◽  
Treasury Department

It was a time of greenbacks, goldbugs, and grangers; milquetoast mugwumps; single-taxers, socialists, standpatters, and the Sugar Trust. Calls for more taxes filled the air. Populist Mary Lease urged Americans to “raise less corn and more hell,” and even Andrew Carnegie piously endorsed an estate tax “by which the State marks its condemnation of the selfish millionaire's unworthy life.” All that hell-raising pushed an income tax through Congress in 1894, but a year later, the Supreme Court granted relief to Charles Pollock, a ten-share stockholder in the Farmers' Loan and Trust Company, leaving Justice Henry Brown to moan in dissent that “the decision involve[d] nothing less than the surrender of the taxing power to the moneyed class.” The Populist Party demanded that “[t]he power of government—in other words, of the people—should be expanded … to the end that oppression, injustice, and poverty shall eventually cease in the land.” By the summer of 1914, oppression, injustice, and poverty were still around, but the Constitution had a Sixteenth Amendment, and the power to collect corporate excise and personal income taxes rested in the hands of the Treasury Department. But still, with all that hell-raising, I wouldn't wanted to work there.

scholarly journals From Anarchism to State Funding

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-631
Author(s):  
Jessica Wardhaugh
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
State Funding ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Fin De Siecle ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Common Concern ◽  
The People ◽  
The Common ◽  
Bourgeois Culture ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract In 1896 Louis Lumet despised the state and openly yearned for a “red messiah” to sweep away bourgeois culture and politics. By 1904 he was receiving state funding. This article unravels the paradox of his trajectory by focusing on the common concern that eventually united his interests with those of republican governments: the relationship between art and the people. Drawing on hitherto unknown writings by Lumet himself, as well as on little-used archives, the article explores Lumet's anarchist persona and connections in fin de siècle Paris, charts his involvement in the Théâtre d'Art Social and the Théâtre Civique, and examines his role in the state-supported Art pour Tous. The final discussion reveals areas of conflict and convergence in the perception of the people as political actors by both anarchists and the state, raising questions about the theory and practice of cultural democratization. En 1896, Louis Lumet souhaitait l'effondrement de l'Etat et l'apparition d'un Messie rouge qui balaierait et la culture et la politique bourgeoises. En 1904, il était subventionné par l'Etat. Cet article dévoile le mystère de ce personnage en interrogeant la relation entre l'art et le peuple qui attirait l'attention de Lumet ainsi que des gouvernements de la Troisième République. En s'appuyant sur les écrits peu connus de Lumet lui-même, ainsi que sur des documents d'archives, l'article met en évidence le rôle de Lumet dans les milieux anarchistes. Il retrace sa contribution aux initiatives comme le Théâtre d'art social et le Théâtre civique, et sa participation à l'Art pour tous (avec le soutien de l'Etat). Cette étude fournit la base d'une discussion plus approfondie sur la démocratisation culturelle, où les perspectives anarchistes et officielles se trouvent parfois étrangement rapprochées.

scholarly journals The Discourse on the Relationship of Power between the State and the People in Indonesian Indie Band Song

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Bahiroh Adilah
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
Main Concern ◽  
The People ◽  
Group Band ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Song Lyric ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

This research focuses on analyzing the discourse of the power relation between the state and the people in Indonesia in the lyrics of the songs "Kami Belum Tentu" and "Padi Milik Rakyat" by Feast (group band). Intolerance became Indonesia main concern in 2018 especially Surabaya’s church bombing, which then elaborated on other issues related to the socio- economic and political phenomena in Indonesia. The two songs were chosen because they adequately describe the socio-economic and political conditions in Indonesia and related to various sectors of government.This study uses Normal Fairclough's critical discourse analysis method to read the discourse on power relations between the state and the people which is articulated in the lyrics of the two songs. The results of this study conclude that the discourse on power relations with the form of Governmentality is spread in various areas of government, including in the leadership of a democratic country, the education system in Indonesia, the law constitution of UU ITE, towards farm workers through Reforma Agraria, and also in the management of tax money in Indonesia. The people will always be in a repressive state power system and the state uses its political power to carry out hegemonic submissions that are detrimental to the people structurally and economically through the ISA (Ideological State Apparatus) and RSA (Repressive State Apparatus) which critized in Indonesian indie song lyric.

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