scholarly journals The Rationality of Indonesia Free-Active Politics Facing Chinese Aggressiveness in the Claims of the North Natuna Sea

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 583-597
Author(s):  
Faridh Ma'ruf ◽  
Tri Legionosuko ◽  
Helda Risman

China's claim to the North Natuna Sea is a manifestation of the South China Sea conflict. For this action, Indonesia responded with diplomatic rebuff either through political means or the presence of national defense and security stakeholders in the North Natuna Sea. The Chinese government responded that the claim of the Nine-dash Line that intersects with the North Natuna Sea EEZ is legal. This aggressive action of China is a threat to Indonesia's sovereign rights over the North Natuna Sea. This paper analyzes foreign policy as the political position of Indonesian interaction in responding to Chinese aggressiveness. The author uses descriptive analytical qualitative research methods using the Hedging Strategy and Dependency theory. The Chinese claim is a potential challenge to the interests and sovereignty of Indonesia, which is contested with the principle of a free and active foreign policy based on soft diplomacy and independent approach. The approach and steps of Indonesian politics become relevant if faced with conditions of asymmetrical power and Indonesia's National interest in China. So that Indonesia needs to build a more flexible foreign policy by maneuvering to emphasize China's aggressive attitude either directly or indirectly through hedging strategies.

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
Rizky Hidayatullah ◽  
Chomariyah Chomariyah ◽  
Dita Birahayu

Indonesia changes the name of the sea in its Exclusive Economic Zone, which initially changed the name of the South China Sea to North Natuna Sea. The change in the name of the North Natuna Sea in Indonesia was protested by the Chinese government, given the abundant natural resources that made other countries especially China want to seize this region. Not only that, the North Natuna Sea is also one of the legal conflicts. The Indonesian government must increase awareness in terms of security and national defense in protecting sovereignty, especially in the North Natuna Sea. This study uses a normative juridical method and uses a legislative approach, a case approach, and a conceptual approach in this case literature study of library materials so that it can be called library legal research. The impact of the change in the name of the North Natuna Sea internally, the change in the map of Indonesia in the North Natuna Sea because this change can be implemented without external parties. External impact, Indonesia received recognition from other countries that the name of the Indonesian sea has changed its name. And efforts made by Indonesia to secure the stability of the North Natuna Sea.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Bauer

AbstractI study dynamic hedging for variable annuities under basis risk. Basis risk, which arises from the imperfect correlation between the underlying fund and the proxy asset used for hedging, has a highly negative impact on the hedging performance. In this paper, I model the financial market based on correlated geometric Brownian motions and analyze the risk management for a pool of stylized GMAB contracts. I investigate whether the choice of a suitable hedging strategy can help to reduce the risk for the insurance company. Comparing several cross-hedging strategies, I observe very similar hedging performances. Particularly, I find that well-established but complex strategies from mathematical finance do not outperform simple and naive approaches in the context studied. Diversification, however, could help to reduce the adverse impact of basis risk.


2005 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-352
Author(s):  
Irnerio Seminatore

The emergence and evolution of the literature dealing with interdependence in the international System is looked into. An attempt is made to show its significance and main points as well as its implications. The debates on interdependence within the North-American political context are regarded as solutions to the preceding issues on dependence. Interesting passages are dedicated to the impact of the interdependence theory on the interpretation of the international system, as illustrated by two schools of thought in foreign policy (Kissinger-Brzezinski). Linkage of the tactical and strategic aspects to the economic and political interrelation of international relations, as put forward by policy makers, has brought to the fore the difficulties and limits of negotiation in the face of competition and in the aftermath of confrontation. This paper offers subtle, yet positive, conclusions on the use of the interdependance theory in international policy.


Author(s):  
Valerii Pavlenko

The Article examines the military and political integration of Scandinavia in the European security architecture after 1945 and analyzes the historical experience of the countries of the North Europe in the late 1940s-1960s in the security space issues. Particular attention is paid to the close link between the military and political rapprochement with the processes of the economic, technological and political integration in the Western European region. It is emphasized that the economic basis of common interests encourages the EU member states all the time to seek peaceful means to resolve possible disputes. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of alternative approaches to the European security that the North European countries have used in their foreign policy. The role and place of these countries in the sphere of the European security during the late 1940s-1960s was determined. The influence of the USA and the USSR on the formation of the foreign policy of the Scandinavian countries, especially the pressure of the Soviet Union on Finland in its attempts to get a neutral state status, has been shown. The reasons for the failure to implement the military and political cooperation projects in the form of the Scandinavian Defense Alliance have been revealed.


Author(s):  
O. Kondratenko

The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation (RF) and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan).Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990-th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among theintelligentsia and broad social strata.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-18
Author(s):  
Thuan Tran ◽  
Toan Phuc Vo

Upon founding the dynasty, Gia Long upheld a politico-military on a vast territory with two administrative units of power ruling over the two areas now named the North and South of Vietnam respectively. Gia Dinh Citadel – the administrative unit ruling the South of Vietnam with a very important role in economy, national defense, and diplomacy – was headed by Le Van Duyet. In the first 30 years of the Nguyen Dynasty, along with the transfer of power from the Gia Long to the Minh Mang was the position assertion of Le Van Duyet in Gia Dinh Citadel, making him one of the most powerful figures. However, the transfer of the throne also marked the concentration of power into the hands of the central government ruled by the emperor; thus, leading to the elimination of administrative units upholding great power such as Gia Dinh Citadel. This process took place in a quite complex manner due to intrinsic problems revolving around the relationship between Minh Mang and Le Van Duyet – the relationship between a king and a high-ranking mandarin with great power. The paper describes the maneuver of political relations between the two characters in the 30 years of power concentration from a fresher point of view.


Author(s):  
D. V. Dorofeev

The research is devoted to the study of the origin of the historiography of the topic of the genesis of the US foreign policy. The key thesis of the work challenges the established position in the scientific literature about the fundamental role of the work of T. Lyman, Jr. «The diplomacy of the United States: being an account of the foreign relations of the country, from the first treaty with France, in 1778, to the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, with Great Britain», published in 1826. The article puts forward an alternative hypothesis: the emergence of the historiography of the genesis of the foreign policy of the United States occurred before the beginning of the second quarter of the XIX century – during the colonial period and the first fifty years of the North American state. A study of the works of thirty-five authors who worked during the 1610s and 1820s showed that amater historians expressed a common opinion about North America’s belonging to the Eurocentric system of international relations; they were sure that both the colonists and the founding fathers perceived international processes on the basis of raison d’être. The conceptualization of the intellectual heritage of non-professional historians allowed us to distinguish three interpretations of the origin of the United States foreign policy: «Autochthonous» – focused on purely North American reasons; «Atlantic» – postulated the borrowing of European practice of international relations by means of the system of relations that developed in the Atlantic in the XVII–XVIII centuries; «Imperial» – stated the adaptation of the British experience. The obtained data refute the provisions of scientific thought of the XX–XXI centuries and create new guidelines for further study of the topic.


Author(s):  
Peter Rutland ◽  
Gregory Dubinsky

This chapter examines U.S. foreign policy in Russia. The end of the Cold War lifted the threat of nuclear annihilation and transformed the international security landscape. The United States interpreted the collapse of the Soviet Union as evidence that it had ‘won’ the Cold War, and that its values and interests would prevail in the future world order. The chapter first provides an overview of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 before discussing U.S.–Russian relations under Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin, respectively. It then turns to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and its enlargement, the Kosovo crisis, and the ‘Great Game’ in Eurasia. It also analyses the rise of Vladimir Putin as president of Russia and the deterioration of U.S.–Russian relations and concludes with an assessment of the cautious partnership between the two countries.


Author(s):  
Peter Rutland

This chapter examines US foreign policy in Russia. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 raised a number of questions that have profound implications for American foreign policy; for example, whether the Russian Federation, which inherited half the population and 70 per cent of the territory of the former Soviet Union, would become a friend and partner of the United States, a full and equal member of the community of democratic nations, or whether it would return to a hostile, expansionary communist or nationalist power. The chapter considers US–Russia relations at various times under Bill Clinton, Boris Yeltsin, George W. Bush, Vladimir Putin, Barack Obama, Dmitry Medvedev, and Donald Trump. It also discusses a host of issues affecting the US–Russia relations, including the enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the crisis in Kosovo and Ukraine, and the civil war in Syria.


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