Old Regime Paris: The City before 1789

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Salim Tamari

This chapter looks at the period of the constitutional revolution as a prelude to the Great War, interpreted by two eminent local historians of the life of Nablus: Muhammad Izzat Darwazeh and Ihsan al-Nimr. It illustrates two contrasting perspectives on how the city potentates, and how its middle classes and artisans reacted to the removal of Sultan Abdul Hamid from power. What is striking in this “farcical moment” was the strength of support for the old regime by the city's merchants and artisans, and the general hostility toward the new freedoms promised by the Young Turks. Nimr attributes this hostility to the substantial autonomy enjoyed by the Nablus region during the earlier periods of Ottoman rule.


1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne P. Te Brake

In the small provincial cities of the eastern Netherlands, the annual election of magistrates and town councilors was perhaps the most important public ritualof the year under the old regime. The elaborate and often solemn ceremony symbolized ancient chartered liberties—even when results of the co-optative elections were a foregone conclusion—and thus served to reinforce the community's sense of corporate identity. In 1786, however, in the midst of astruggle for control of the city, the annual Petrikeur in Deventer got out of hand. The day started out normally enough with the traditional worship service in the Grote Kerk, but after the black-robed members of the town council had passed in procession across the square to the stadhuis, a group of dissident councilors, who called themselves Patriots and were implacably opposed to the influence of the stadhouder in municipal politics, attacked aportrait of Prince William III of Orange, the stadhouder who in 1675 first insinuated himself into the electoral process.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tsuyoshi Hasegawa

A.B. Nikolaev’s book has not received much attention either in the West or in Russia, but it is an important book that has significantly changed our understanding the February Revolution of 1917. Nikolaev’s meticulously researched monograph, based on a wide array of new sources, challenges the previously dominant interpretation that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (Duma Committee) was forced to seize power only to stem the tide of the insurgency from below. He argues that the Duma Committee was from its inception clear about its intention to overthrow the old regime and to create a new power to replace it even before the Petrograd Soviet was formed. The Duma Committee played a crucial role in prompting military units to take the side of the revolution, in steering the insurgents to the State Duma, in creating the Military Commission to organize insurgents to occupy strategic positions in the city, in taking over the food supply commission to feed the insurgents, in attacking and destroying the tsarist police, while preventing and suppressing potentially dangerous anarchical pogroms, and in taking control over the imperial bureaucracy. Nikolaev also raises an interesting question about the relationship between the Duma Committee, the State Duma and the Provisional Government by arguing that the Provisional Government made a hasty and cardinal mistake in cutting its relationship with the State Duma. This book is a landmark in the interpretation of the February Revolution, and especially of the role of the Duma liberals in the revolution.


2018 ◽  
pp. 170-181
Author(s):  
Maria Beatriz Gomes Bellens Porto

Resumo: A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo abordar as estratégias de parte da elite do Rio de Janeiro colonial ao buscar na administração pública, e na religiosidade, caminhos para se manter na hierarquia social da cultura política da sociedade de Antigo Regime. Um desses lugares era o Senado da Câmara do Rio de Janeiro, que ao administrar a festa de São Sebastião e seu oitavário (oito dias de festa), utilizava um sistema de arrematação no qual indivíduos forneciam os itens necessários para a celebração e depois cobravam exatamente o seu valor para os camarários, na busca por honra e prestígio, sendo José Antônio de Freitas Guimarães o mais regular e maior arrematador entre os anos de 1795 a 1810.Abstract: The present research has the purpose of approaching the strategies of part the elite in colonial Rio de Janeiro, as they sought ways to maintain their places in the social hierarchy of the Old Regime city, through the public administration and religiosity. One of those places was the City Council of Rio de Janeiro, which used to organize Saint Sebastian's Feast Day and its Octave (eight consecutive days of celebration), and used a system of public auctions where individuals would supply the city with the necessary items for the celebrations and then charge the Council at cost, in pursuit of honor and prestige. José Antônio de Freitas was the most frequent bidder from 1795 to 1810.


Author(s):  
Sean Weiss

The architecture of the city of Paris encompasses a history of more than two millennia. Paris’s earliest known architecture dates to the start of the 1st century, when the Gallo-Roman city of Lutetia developed on the Left Bank and the Île de la Cité. The city subsequently expanded across the Right Bank and the present location of many important ecclesiastical monuments was determined after Clovis I, king of the Franks, made Paris the seat of the Merovingian Kingdom at the start of the 6th century. The cathedral of Notre-Dame, the abbey church of Saint-Germain-des-Près, and the French Panthéon (formerly the church of Sainte-Geneviève) were all built on Merovingian sites. Although there is little evidence of the city’s architecture from these early periods, it nevertheless established two enduring principles that broadly characterize the development of the city’s architecture over time. First, Paris’s urban fabric has followed an ongoing process of centrifugal expansion, engulfing the surrounding land until 1869 when it was decided to annex the old eleven faubourgs and make them the surrounding arrondissements, whose outer edges mark the municipal limits of the city. In the 20th and 21st centuries, urban development projects continue apace in the banlieues, or suburbs, beyond the city’s limits, while building campaigns within the capital have principally taken the form of urban infill and renovation projects. Second, subsequent rulers have consistently appropriated the same sites and rebuilt or extended them as a mark of political ambition. This was the case for important Christian sites as well as for the city’s palace complexes, such as the early-13th-century Louvre, which was consistently occupied, rebuilt, and expanded during the Old Regime; partially used as a museum during the French Revolution; and only transformed into a museum in its entirety in the 1980s when President François Mitterand stamped the buildings with his own political ambition in his bid to again transform the city. Collectively, the process of urban expansion and the reappropriation of sites have made the city’s architecture dense with historical layers from different periods of time. It has been the task of historians to peel back these layers to study the social, cultural, and material significance of the city’s architecture. To present the literature on Paris’s architecture in light of its vast history, the following bibliography begins with more general literature and research sources, and it then progresses chronologically, starting with Lutetia’s architecture and ending at the close of the 20th century. As the bibliography moves forward in time, the scholarship becomes denser, especially in the 19th century. This focus in large part reflects the recent nature of the city’s existing built fabric, which was mostly constructed starting in the mid-19th century.


Author(s):  
Chirine Mohséni

This chapter examines the ethnic tensions between Kurds and Azeris in and around the city of Naqadeh in Western Azerbaijan shortly after the Iranian Revolution. Favored by the Iranian state, the Azeris held dominant social and political positions in comparison to the Kurds, adding to the tensions between these populations. The shift to violence is the result of several elements: first, the collapse of the old regime brought into question the hitherto legitimate ethnic hierarchy. Being Shi'ite became a key element in the relationship with the state and Sunni Kurds were marginalized. Second, Kurdish political demands were a source of concern for the region's Azeri population. Finally, the new government, freshly installed, had yet to establish its authority over Kurdish areas. Ethnic violence among different groups only served to justify government intervention and strengthen state influence.


Author(s):  
Mar López Pérez ◽  
Rosario Pérez Morote

Con este trabajo pretendemos analizar la gestión municipal a partir del análisis económico de una de las entidades municipales del Antiguo Régimen: el pósito de la ciudad de Albacete. Como es sabido, los pósitos, creados con objeto de mitigar los efectos de malas cosechas y limitar la escasez, actuaron también como instituciones crediticias que prestaron a particulares, desarrollando una actividad financiera. Se consideran, por tanto, como los primeros institutos de crédito rural. Asimismo, fueron entidades a las que acudió el estado a finales del siglo XVIII cuando las necesidades financieras de la hacienda pública fueron mayores. Su relevancia en la política económica del Antiguo Régimen está fuera de duda. En el estudio que aquí presentamos tratamos de acercarnos a su gestión y para ello nos hemos acercado a su estudio contable. Para ello hemos examinado los libros de cuentas de la institución, tanto los dinerarios como los de especie. Hemos analizado la contabilidad de esta institución basada aún en el sistema de “cargo y data”. Hemos analizado la documentación existente entre 1765 y 1808 que, a pesar de su irregularidad e incluso sus lagunas informativas, puede arrojar un poco de claridad en la administración local de este período.<br /><br />Municipal granaries were institutions of municipal ownership that had significant influence on agricultural policy of the Old Regime. They were grain stores managed by local councils. Municipalities tried to overcome the shortage lending to farmers and consumers. They had an essential role in the agrarian society because they could increase the supply of basic items. Despite its significance, from our point of view, these corporations have not been studied sufficiently due to the thoroughness required to analyze data preserved in the provincial archives. In our study, we have tried to analyze the activity of these institutions. To do this, we have studied the accounting system of one of them: the deposits of the city of Albacete. We have analyzed the period between 1765 and 1808, although we know it presents important information gaps. We are select this period because these years were when the subsistence crisis was more acute. On the on hand, the suppression of the rate of grain, in 1765, in order to balance supply and demand, caused a steady rise in prices. On the other hand, at the end of the century, institutions analyzed in our study had many difficulties to survive. The real treasury demanded them substantial monetary contributions to finance its increased.<br />


Author(s):  
Д. В. Кудінов ◽  

The author emphasizes the importance of memoirs for the study of psychology and ideological views of the Ukrainian peasantry, which made the bulk of the population, whose support the representatives of the pro-government and opposition forces fought for. It is stated, that, on the one hand, monarchical views were preserved and, on the other hand, their synthesis with new ideas inspired by the "city" took place. Moreover, the emergence of a young generation of politically active peasants, agrarian leaders, deprived of illusions about the old regime is pointed to. It is proved that the peasants as a whole unanimously advocated the ideals of "land and freedom", while the dominant, regardless of land use forms, remained the idea of land nationalization, which coincided with the religious worldview of farmers: "the land is no one’s – it’s God's". It is underlined, that a number of memoirs authors held an opinion that in those areas where the ideological breaking point had already taken place, the peasantry willingly accepted political agitation, joining the activities of antigovernment organizations.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-203
Author(s):  
Robert Chatham

The Court of Appeals of New York held, in Council of the City of New York u. Giuliani, slip op. 02634, 1999 WL 179257 (N.Y. Mar. 30, 1999), that New York City may not privatize a public city hospital without state statutory authorization. The court found invalid a sublease of a municipal hospital operated by a public benefit corporation to a private, for-profit entity. The court reasoned that the controlling statute prescribed the operation of a municipal hospital as a government function that must be fulfilled by the public benefit corporation as long as it exists, and nothing short of legislative action could put an end to the corporation's existence.In 1969, the New York State legislature enacted the Health and Hospitals Corporation Act (HHCA), establishing the New York City Health and Hospitals Corporation (HHC) as an attempt to improve the New York City public health system. Thirty years later, on a renewed perception that the public health system was once again lacking, the city administration approved a sublease of Coney Island Hospital from HHC to PHS New York, Inc. (PHS), a private, for-profit entity.


ASHA Leader ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 46-48

This year's Annual Convention features some sweet new twists like ice cream and free wi-fi. But it also draws on a rich history as it returns to Chicago, the city where the association's seeds were planted way back in 1930. Read on through our special convention section for a full flavor of can't-miss events, helpful tips, and speakers who remind why you do what you do.


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