He Xiangning Art Museum in Shenzhen

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Selina C.F. Ho
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Art Museum ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
Communicative Rationality ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Economic Agents ◽  
Official Discourse

This chapter explicates the museum circuit of the He Xiangning Art Museum in Shenzhen as a process of interplay between the state’s political and cultural-economic agents, the museum’s curators and academic stakeholders, and the migrant educated elites. The museum’s intermediaries play a role in negotiating meaning at the interface of expertise and official discourse, and they arguably act as reflexive producers, contributing to a public sphere that has links to Habermasian ‘communicative rationality’. Besides, visitors can be categorized into six distinct identities, and they display limited alignment with the state interest in Chineseness or political patriotism. The study reflects on the national museum’s contingent institutional framework, the ideological dilemma driven by its curatorial activities, and the rise of a middle-class museum public.

Theory of Shocks About States in Static and Dynamic Economics

2021 ◽  
pp. 202-240
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Financial Stability ◽  
Fundamental Problem ◽  
Informal Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
Public Healthcare ◽  
Individual Values ◽  
Economic Agents ◽  
The Individual

The place of the state in the theory of shocks is predetermined by the increasing importance of the subjective component of the processes of self-movement of systemic integrities. The main problem is that the state formalizes the actions of subjects as economic agents, abstracting from social conditions that generate the individual values of a person implemented in the economy. So, the economic subject acquires its own individual values in a society with a sharp polarization of citizens' incomes, inequality of opportunities, a shrinking middle class, and an ineffective public healthcare system, as demonstrated by the coronavirus pandemic. As a result, a fundamental problem arises of the discrepancy between society and economy as well as formal and informal institutions that predetermine the opportunistic behavior of the economic subjects. Thus, the state persistently strives for financial stability in the economy, abstracting from the problems of social disunity.

The Political is Populist: Talk Shows, Political Debates, and the Middle-Class Public Sphere in India

2014 ◽  
Vol 152 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sukhmani Khorana
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
The State ◽  
Talk Shows ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Talk Show ◽  
The People ◽  
Commercial Networks ◽  
Political Talk ◽  
The Public Sphere

Emerging literature on the rapid rise of 24-hour commercial news television in India in the last decade, as well as popular and editorial commentary on the above phenomenon, suggests that these channels are playing the role of mediators for the middle classes. While the news content is widely believed to be sensationalised for the sake of attaining higher ratings in an overcrowded and competitive market, political talk shows have turned into the analytical and narrative extension of news segments. By including the ordinary – mostly through its mediation by middle-class experts and journalists – these talk shows have turned into the popular culture equivalent of a public sphere for middle-class discussions of pertinent political issues. This article traces the genealogy of a long-standing political talk show on one of India's longest-running commercial networks, NDTV 24×7's We the People, to demonstrate its attempts to mirror an inclusive Indian public sphere. Further, in light of the recent middle classled anti-corruption movement in India, and subsequent conclusions about the weakening of the state, an episode of the talk show titled ‘Anna and the Great Indian Middle Class' is subject to a detailed textual analysis. The purpose of this analysis is to demonstrate the show's construction of: (a) corruption as a pan-Indian, and not just a middle-class, issue; (b) the middle class itself as a homogeneous group; and (c) the televisual public sphere (and not a community consultation involving representatives of the state) as a place for establishing populist consensus. Literature on new political television and theories of the public sphere are used as theoretical springboards throughout the article.

Establishing knowledge-based and digital cooperation between small and medium-sized businesses, science and the State through a cluster approach

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (11) ◽  
pp. 2089-2110
Author(s):  
A.V. Ivanchenko ◽  
E.S. Mezentseva
Keyword(s):  
Financial Support ◽  
Triple Helix ◽  
The State ◽  
Sverdlovsk Oblast ◽  
Cluster Approach ◽  
Innovation Development ◽  
Economic Agents ◽  
Knowledge Based ◽  
Cluster Network ◽  
Digital Development

Subject. This article discusses the issues of innovative and digital development of the economy. Objectives. The article aims to justify the benefits of cluster cooperation and networking between different structures. Methods. For the study, we used systems, logical, structural, and comparative analyses, generalization and statistical methods, and the cluster-network and institutional approaches. Results. The article substantiates the role and position of small business in the innovation development of the Sverdlovsk Oblast and identifies trends of innovation and digital advancement. Conclusions. The cluster theory, supplemented with the Triple Helix concept, can be a basis for rationale for effective ways of integrating economic agents. Small innovative business has significant potential for sustainability, but it needs additional financial support from the State.

Environmentalists, Nuclear Waste, and the Politics of Passive Exclusion in Germany

2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Hunold
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Nuclear Waste ◽  
Environmental Movement ◽  
The State ◽  
Radioactive Wastes ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Ecological Democracy ◽  
Over Time

In this essay I examine the dispute between the German GreenParty and some of the country’s environmental nongovernmentalorganizations (NGOs) over the March 2001 renewal of rail shipmentsof highly radioactive wastes to Gorleben. My purpose indoing so is to test John Dryzek’s 1996 claim that environmentalistsought to beware of what they wish for concerning inclusion in theliberal democratic state. Inclusion on the wrong terms, arguesDryzek, may prove detrimental to the goals of greening and democratizingpublic policy because such inclusion may compromise thesurvival of a green public sphere that is vital to both. Prospects forecological democracy, understood in terms of strong ecologicalmodernization here, depend on historically conditioned relationshipsbetween the state and the environmental movement that fosterthe emergence and persistence over time of such a public sphere.

The Museum Istiqlal The Case of an Indonesian Islamic Museum

SUHUF ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-357
Author(s):  
Jonathan Zilberg
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
The State ◽  
Education Sector ◽  
Significant Potential ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Government

This article describes the conflicted genesis of the Museum Istiqlal, the history of  the creation of the collection, and the state of the institution relative to other Indonesian museums. It emphasizes both  positive developments underway and the historical problems facing the institution. Above all, it focuses on the role the museum was originally intended to serve for the Indonesian Muslim public sphere and the significant potential the museum has to better serve that mission in the national and international sphere. In short, the article emphasizes that in the context of the Government of Indonesia’s current four year plan to revive the museum sector, the problems and opportunities presented at the Museum Istiqlal are symptomatic of endemic national challenges for both the museum and the education sector.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Fitter
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Social History ◽  
The State ◽  
Popular Politics ◽  
Measure For Measure ◽  
History Of

Introducing the relatively recent discovery by the ‘new social history’ of an intelligent and sceptical Tudor popular politics, incorporated into the functioning of the state only precariously and provisionally, often insurgent in the sixteenth century, and wooed by discontented elites inadvertently creating a nascent public sphere, this chapter discusses the varied types and fortunes of plebeian resistance. It also surveys the leading ideas of the new historiography, and suggests the need to rethink the politics of Shakespeare’s plays in the light of their exuberant or embittered penetration by plebeian perspectives. Finally, it examines Measure for Measure in the light of its resistance to the polarizing, anti-populist climate of the late Elizabethan ‘reformation of manners’.

‘Party in the street’: The partisan politics of space

2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
David Jenkins ◽  
Lipin Ram
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Space ◽  
State Power ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere

Public space is often understood as an important ‘node’ of the public sphere. Typically, theorists of public space argue that it is through the trust, civility and openness to others which citizens cultivate within a democracy’s public spaces, that they learn how to relate to one another as fellow members of a shared polity. However, such theorizing fails to articulate how these democratic comportments learned within public spaces relate to the public sphere’s purported role in holding state power to account. In this paper, we examine the ways in which what we call ‘partisan interventions’ into public space can correct for this gap. Using the example of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), we argue that the ways in which CPIM partisans actively cultivate sites of historical regional importance – such as in the village of Kayyur – should be understood as an aspect of the party’s more general concern to present itself to citizens as an agent both capable and worthy of wielding state power. Drawing on histories of supreme partisan contribution and sacrifice, the party influences the ideational background – in competition with other parties – against which it stakes its claims to democratic legitimacy. In contrast to those theorizations of public space that celebrate its separateness from the institutions of formal democratic politics and the state more broadly, the CPIM’s partisan interventions demonstrate how parties’ locations at the intersections of the state and civil society can connect the public sphere to its task of holding state power to account, thereby bringing the explicitly political questions of democratic legitimacy into the everyday spaces of a political community.

More or More of the Same: Ownership Concentration and Media Diversity in Egypt

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110251
Author(s):  
Zahraa Badr
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
State Ownership ◽  
The State ◽  
Ownership Concentration ◽  
Private Ownership ◽  
Media Diversity ◽  
Content Diversity ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Relationship

The Egyptian media has witnessed various changes in the ownership spectrum after the 2011 revolution. To explore this evolution, and through the Habermasian lens, this study examined ownership concentration in the 2019 media sphere in Egypt by mapping media outlets and their owners. It also investigated the relationship between this concentration and content diversity in a sample of print outlets in the first quarter of 2019. Three patterns of ownership concentration in the Egyptian media were identified: concentrated state ownership, concentrated private ownership, and not concentrated private ownership. Based on these findings, I argue that the media sphere in Egypt is dominated by a few gatekeepers, mostly the state, that influence content diversity and jeopardize the democratic public sphere in postrevolution Egypt.

scholarly journals Innovation, Innovativeness And Gender - Approaching Innovative Gender

2015 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Ewa Okoń-Horodyńska ◽  
Anna Zachorowska-Mazurkiewicz
Keyword(s):  
Major Part ◽  
Positive Element ◽  
The State ◽  
Broad Sense ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
Creative Solutions ◽  
And Gender

Abstract This paper deals with the attempt to search for the sources of creativity in the broad sense in solving problems. These creative solutions become innovations. The ability to develop innovation depends on the multi-dimensional predispositions to solve problems – those found in people, inspired by the market, organised or spontaneous, as well as facilitated or hampered by the state. Yet, the aforementioned factors should be supplemented with one more – gender. In the chapter attention is paid to the multi-dimensional differences stemming from gender, which should be perceived as a positive element, because they are the source of synergy resulting from collaboration among research or business teams in the process of innovation. The chapter introduces the concept of ‘innovative gender’ and its institutional framework. The methodological inspiration is the model known in the literature as the Innovation Genome, the conceptualization of which constitutes a major part of the study.

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