The Justice to Which We Are Entitled

Author(s):  
Malinda Maynor Lowery

As the lines between “white” and “colored” hardened in North Carolina in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Indians participated in segregation and the institutionalization of race in an attempt to ensure two things: that whites would recognize their “Indianness” and that Indians would retain control of their own institutions. The creation of Indian schools became a main part of the fight for recognition. Indians recognized the game of race and addressed it by consistently trying to move it to an arena where they had power. Picking and choosing tribal names and pursuing federal and state recognition of those names became one way of dealing with this problem. Throughout the twentieth century, the name of the Robeson County Indians changed from “Croatan” to “Cherokee Indians of Robeson County” to “Siouan Indians of the Lumbee River”. The name changes frequently led to conflict within and outside the community. Supporters of Cherokee or Siouan names pursued different paths to recognition. Robeson County Indians had to navigate standards of authenticity set forth by the federal government, such as blood-quantum provisions. Even after some Indians were finally granted official recognition, they were often still denied their full benefits from the government.

Author(s):  
Adam B. Cox ◽  
Cristina M. Rodríguez

This chapter examines the legal and bureaucratic transformations that gave rise to the deportation power in its contemporary form, providing a better understanding of how it operates as a significant source of presidential power. The story begins in the late nineteenth century, when Congress effectively created the legal authority and bureaucratic capacity the Executive needed to conduct immigration enforcement within the nation’s interior. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the rise of federal immigration legislation during this period did not mark a sharp break with an earlier, mythical period when the United States welcomed all comers. But it was not until this time that Congress began building the regulatory machinery for selecting immigrants that would turn the federal government into a potent force for controlling immigration. For the first time since the infamous Alien and Sedition Acts, Congress enacted laws making resident noncitizens deportable. Just as important, Congress began constructing institutions that would enable the federal government to turn the growing law of deportation into a reality on the ground. Today, deportation occupies much of the field of federal law enforcement. Indeed, the government deports hundreds of thousands of immigrants every year—far more people than are incarcerated in the entire federal prison system. In this chapter, we explain how this reality came to be.


Author(s):  
George Bragues

Though now almost entirely forgotten, Herbert Spencer was among the most widely read thinkers during the late nineteenth century. As part of his system of synthetic philosophy, Herbert Spencer addressed the topics of money and banking. This philosophic system articulates a concept of justice based on the principle of equal freedom. Invoking this principle, Spencer rejected a government-superintended regime of money and banking as unjust. Instead, he morally favored a system of free banking. Spencer also defended this system on economic grounds. His argument was that banks could be self-regulating in their management of the money supply, on the condition that the government limit its activities in the financial sphere to the enforcement of contracts. While Spencer’s case is not beyond questioning on philosophic and political grounds, he offers a distinctive and forceful analysis.


1998 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 557-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Guérin ◽  
Richard Nadeau

AbstractThis study deals with the question of economic voting in Canada, notably that the electoral impact of economic perceptions with regard to the performance of the federal government has not been homogeneous among the whole Canadian electorate during the period of Liberal dominance in Quebec. Contrary to our Findings on voters in other provinces, francophone Quebeckers did not vote according to their judgment of the government on economic matters, their fidelity to the Liberal party having inhibited them in this respect. These results suggest that the absence of economic voting in Quebec during the Liberal regime may clarify, at least in part, the puzzling conclusions of previous research, that show a fragile relationship between the economy and the electoral outcomes in Canada. These findings break new ground for a better understanding of the specific electoral rationality used by minorities in long-established democracies.


Author(s):  
Afroz Ahmad ◽  
Usha Roopnarain

The last Indian parliamentary election held in 2014, proved to be the finest example of India’s age-old commitment towards the pinnacle of democratic norms. India had set a niche by conducting the largest democratic franchise in history. First time ever since the 1984, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved the majority in the Lok Sabha without clubbing with coalition partners. It also got the absolute mandate to rule India’s federal government by ending the Congress monopoly. Interestingly, the Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi in his campaigns criticized Congress-led United Progressive Alliance II (UPA II) for its impotency towards establishing friendly and cooperative relations with India’s neighbors. He also gave assurance that if his party (BJP) got the mandate, his leadership would adopt appropriate measures to resuscitate convivial ties with neighbors. Since forming the government, Prime Minister Modi has been persistently trying to pursue those promises by proceeding towards friendly ties with India’s neighbors. In the light of above discussion, this paper seeks to critically analyze the progress in Indo-Nepal relations under BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.


2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marybeth MacPhee ◽  
Suzanne Heurtin-Roberts ◽  
Chris Foster

For those of us who have fantasized over the years that the world would be a better place if anthropologists had a voice in government, there is good news and bad news. The good news is that applied anthropologists working in government settings have succeeded in raising awareness of, and respect for, anthropological ideas beyond the classroom. The bad news is that anthropologists face a long road ahead before the field is ready to exercise this newfound agency in leading the direction of research and policy on social problems. Our recent work on health disparities found that the obstacles we encountered were rooted in the habits of practicing anthropology rather than in any oppressive force of bureaucracy or hierarchy of professional knowledge underlying the structure of the government work context. Anthropology is most comfortable on the margins of both community and debate. Our methods and ethics prioritize the values and desires of the communities with which we work above our own bias; our theories and analyses produce holistic perspectives and cultural criticism rather than definitive stances. Although the position of informed outsider has its advantages in the contexts of anthropological research, it has proven to interfere with our work in the community of the federal government.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Robert A. Dibie ◽  
Maryam O. Quadri

This paper examines the nature, impact, effectiveness and barriers of e-government in the Federal Government of Nigeria. It also explores the extent to which e-government has facilitated a better relationship between citizens and the federal government of Nigeria. It argues that the utilization of technologies such as internet, email, websites, and social media have yet to effectively connect citizens, and the government. As a result, the federal government of Nigeria has not fully adopted the new e-government approaches to improve its services. The paper uses data derived from questionnaire survey administered to 3,000 Nigerian citizens including federal government staff in Abuja, Lagos and some state capitals in Nigeria., Interviews of 300 federal officials and stakeholders were conducted. The secondary data consisted of the review of related government reports, government websites, academic and professional journals. Data were analyzed to determine the impacts of e-governance in the federal government. The conceptual framework is based on stakeholders’ theory, and an integrated e-government model. The findings suggest that on one hand there is a negative correlation between the e-governance initiatives and federal government efficient service delivery in Nigeria. On the other hand, there is also a negative correlation between citizens and federal government relations in the country. Some challenges preventing the adoption of proactive e-governance practices were identified and recommendations for appropriate policies that could address the current impediments were offered.


2020 ◽  
pp. 23-27
Author(s):  
Ivanna Maryniv ◽  
Alyona Morozova

Formulation of the problem. The article deals with general theoretical issues related to the institution of international legal recognition. The basic theories of state recognition, problems arising in connection with their practical application and forms of state recognition are studied. Questions are raised about the problem of codification of this institution. Particular attention is paid to the practice of forced relations with unrecognized states. With the growth of globalization, the question of the formation of unrecognized states is becoming more frequent and more acute. In an interdependent, interconnected world that is gaining global integrity, one of the highest values has become independent statehood. The emergence of unrecognized states is a global problem for the international community, which cannot always be resolved even by such influential and powerful organizations as the UN and NATO. Analysis of recent research and publications. Among scholars who specialize in international law, there are many scientific papers on the problems of recognition. M. Aleksievets, S. Vidnyansky, V. Golovchenko, A. Zlenko, O. Ivchenko, B. Korneenko, Y. Makar, V. Matvienko, L. Chekalenko and many other domestic authors devoted their works to this issue. The purpose of the scientific article is a general overview of theories, procedures, forms of recognition of states, and the study of relevant practices in this area. Article’s main body. The article deals with issues related to the international recognition of the newly created states by other states. In this regard, there are a number of unresolved issues in international law in terms of their justification and regulation. The authors point out that when a new state is created, the international community should cooperate in some way with it, and there are no certain international norms on how to act. The article examines the main provisions of theories of recognition of states: constitutive and declarative, and the problems that arise in connection with their practical application. The authors consider the thesis that there is a world practice when states can enter into certain relations with other states before their official recognition, explaining this by the existence of three possible forms of recognition: “de jure”, “de facto”, “ad hoc”. At the same time, diplomatic relations and exchange of embassies arise only during the official recognition – recognition “de jure”. Conclusions and prospects for the development: The lack of an international act that would define the procedure and criteria for the recognition of states is due to the uniqueness of each case and the complex system of international relations. Currently, there are no clear and specific criteria that would determine when and under what conditions a new state can be recognized or not recognized by the international community. The emergence of an increasing number of unrecognized states in the international arena requires new approaches and research.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oceana ◽  
Devan Archibald ◽  
Robert Rangeley

Healthy fish populations are critical to healthy ecosystems: they feed communities, support economies and are essential to our survival. But our oceans are facing growing threats and greater uncertainty. Overfishing, climate change, habitat destruction and pollution are degrading the underwater world and putting the marine life we all depend upon at risk. Much is at stake, as the status quo is demonstrably not working. The number of stocks in the healthy zone has decreased since Oceana Canada released its 2018 Fishery Audit, and the number in the critical zone has increased — including crab and shrimp stocks. This isparticularly worrying if the depletion of crustaceans becomes a trend, as the value of Canada’s seafood industry depends heavily on them. Progress on implementing rebuilding plans remains slow and many critically depleted stocks, including northern cod, are still without a plan. As well, Fisheries and Oceans Canada (DFO) has not yet indicated how and by when it will collect adequate catch monitoring information, needed to measure and manage bycatch (the incidental catch of non-target fish) in all Canadian commercial fisheries. Meanwhile, only two of the 11 recommendations from the 2018 Fishery Audit have been implemented. DFO has made some progress since the last Fishery Audit was released. In 2019, DFO published more information to help assess fish stock health, and some elements of fishery monitoring became more transparent. DFO also implemented some of the recommendations from the 2016 Auditor General report on sustainable fisheries, including developing timelines and priorities for rebuilding plans for depleted fish populations. Most importantly, a modernized Fisheries Act became law in June 2019. For the first time in the Act’s history, rebuilding plans are now required for depleted fish populations. The government has committed more than $100 million over five years to assess and rebuild fish stocks. This brings Canada into the group of nations with modern fisheries laws and could signal a historic turning point in the health of Canadian fisheries. The impact of the new Act will depend on the strength and pace of regulations, currently under development. The regulations will outline what rebuilding plans must include, and Oceana Canada is advocating that, at a minimum, they should specify a timeline and target, aimed at rebuilding stocks to healthy levels. In the year ahead, the federal government must develop strong and effective regulations to support the rebuilding provisions in the Fisheries Act and accelerate the implementation and enforcement of existing policies. Fortunately, there is a strong base of support for new regulations to rebuild stocks, new funding commitments and much-needed increases in DFO’s science capacity to get the job done. We have the tools needed to modernize Canada’s approach to fisheries management and rebuild fish populations, and Canadians want to see this happen. In a recent Abacus Data market research survey, 98 per cent of Canadians said it was important that the federal government work to rebuild abundant fish populations. If the government fails to take these actions, we can expect the number of healthy stocks to continue to decline and depleted populations will fail to recover, impoverishing the oceans and the coastal communities who depend on them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
SALISU OJONEMI PAUL ◽  
Prof. Chikelue Ofuebe

This paper examines the different dimensions and continuous corrupt practices in the federal government of Nigeria amidst President Buhari administration’s anti-corruption songs and war (2015 – date). It is observed that the menaces of infrastructural deficits are persistent and unabated due to billions of dollars that are carted away by both political and public office holders on a seasonal basis, and misfit appointment of public officials popularly referred to as ‘favoritism’ and the ‘lopsidedness.’ The study which is qualitative with data gathered from secondary sources. The paper found the fact that political and public office holders across administrations in Nigeria perceived corruption as a worthwhile venture despite the campaign against corruption. It is also noticed that the EFCC created to lead the anti-corruption war only barks without biting. The study advocated, among others, that the National Assembly should immediately reevaluate and review the Nigerian administration of the criminal justice system.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 196-204
Author(s):  
Roman V. Razumov ◽  

The purpose of this article is to analyze the process of renaming objects as a special socio-cultural practice. By renaming, the author means a kind of artificial nomination manifested in the replacement of one name of his own by another under the influence of extranomastic factors as a result of the adoption of a special nominative act by the executive or legislative body. The article noted that in addition to the term renaming, the terms renomination or renaming have now been used. The renaming of objects was first considered on the material of name changes in 26 cities of the Russian Federation, which occurred in the 1990–2000s. The author notes that the main difficulty in changing the name is the negative reaction of society to any proposal to eliminate the usual name. Another difficulty is due to the fact that the new name should fit organically into the already existing urbanonomic environment. The main part of the article contains an analysis of three real urbanonymic practices of renaming objects used in the 1990–2000s: the return of historical names, the creation of urbanonyms that form a regional identity, and unofficial or temporary renaming of objects. The author notes that these urbanonymic practices largely continue the traditions laid down in the Soviet era and based on a memorial nomination, perpetuating the memory of a person or historical event. A distinctive feature of many urbanonyms of the post-Soviet era was their use to form the regional identity of citizens. This is served not only by new memorial urbanonyms, but also by many pre-revolutionary urbanonyms returned to the post-Soviet era. Obviously, the further appearance of such names contributes to the formation of a local city text.


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