scholarly journals Балканските војни и проекциите за Македонија (македонски поглед)

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
Билјана [Biljana] Ристовска-Јосифовска [Ristovska-Josifovska]
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Political Events ◽  
National Question

The Balkan wars and the projections about Macedonia (Macedonian view) The main focus of this paper is the time just before and during the Balkan Wars (1912– 1913), analyzed through the public writings of the Macedonian emigrants in Russia. We focus on their attitude, opinions and interpretations of the political events, as well as the reactions to the decisions of the great powers – as an expression of the Macedonian view to the Balkan Wars and the projections about Macedonia. In this context it is interesting to see whether they concern the national question and how they articulate the opinions on reception of the results of the Balkan Wars.The attention of the Macedonians was pointed almost exclusively to the national problem and the Balkan Wars, even after the beginning of the World War I. They were engaged in find­ing a solution for the Macedonian national question and the realization of the idea for national state. At the same time they were displaying in the Russian public their understanding of the political events and their attitude: warning about the possible partition, demanding a support for foundation of a Macedonian state and protesting against the partition.But, besides the organized intellectuals in emigration, the Macedonian national question remained at the margins of the interests of the great powers of Europe or has been used as a tool for solving other political questions. The appeals of the Macedonian intellectuals were not enough influential and Macedonia entered in World War I with all the consequences: the confirmation of the borders from the separation and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This very difficult and complicated period lasted up to the foundation of the national state in World War II at the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia. Wojny bałkańskie i wizje Macedonii (perspektywa macedońska) W artykule – na podstawie analizy publicznych wystąpień macedońskich emigrantów w Rosji, ich poglądów politycznych, opinii i interpretacji wydarzeń politycznych, jak również reakcji na decyzje wielkich mocarstw – podjęto zagadnienia związane z okresem wojen bał­kańskich 1912–1913 i ukazano macedońską perspektywę kwestii macedońskiej. Zaprezento­wano też ważne problemy odnoszące się do sposobu traktowania spraw narodowych i sposobu artykułowania stanowisk wobec następstw tych wojen.Uwaga Macedończyków, nawet po wybuchu I wojny światowej, kierowała się niemal wyłącznie na kwestie narodowe i wojny bałkańskie. Ich zaangażowanie sprowadzało się do poszukiwania rozwiązań spraw narodu macedońskiego i prób urzeczywistnienia idei wła­snego państwa. Środowiska emigrantów prezentowały przed rosyjską opinią publiczną swoje rozumienie zachodzących wydarzeń politycznych, by zapobiec podziałowi terytorium, a jed­nocześnie poszukiwać wsparcia dla koncepcji utworzenia państwa macedońskiego.Macedońska kwestia narodowa, podejmowana przez pozostającą na emigracji inteligencję macedońską, pozostawała na marginesie zainteresowań wielkich mocarstw europejskich lub była wykorzystywana instrumentalnie do rozwiązywania innych problemów politycznych. Apele intelektualistów macedońskich nie wywarły wpływu na sytuację międzynarodową. Macedończycy przystąpili do I wojny światowej z wszystkimi tego konsekwencjami – za­twierdzonymi granicami podzielonego terytorium. Ten trudny i skomplikowany okres trwał aż do utworzenia państwa narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej na obszarze obecnej Re­publiki Macedonii.

THE PEDIATRICIAN AND THE PUBLIC

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1955 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 479-487
Author(s):  
John A. Askin ◽  
Kurt Glaser
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Old Testament ◽  
Jewish People ◽  
Jewish State ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Short Period ◽  
State Of Israel ◽  
Made In

IN SPITE of a short period of sovereignty— less than 7 years—the State of Israel is playing an important role in matters pertaining not only to the Middle East but, in some respects, in matters of importance to the whole world. In medicine the advances in Israel have been no less striking than the progress made in other fields. It is felt that the pediatricians of our country might be interested to learn about Israel's medical status, particularly pertaining to pediatrics. Palestine, of which the present Israel is a part, was in Old Testament times known as Canaan or Philistia because of the tribes which lived there. Palestine was the home of the Jewish people from the time Joshua conquered the land, about 1400 B.C., until the Romans destroyed the Jewish State in the year 70 A.D. Around 630 A.D. the country came under Moslem power. From 1516 to the end of World War I Palestine was a part of the Turkish Empire. In 1917, the British Government issued the famous Balfour Declaration which promised the Jews of the world that they could build a national homeland in Palestine. The League of Nations made the land a British mandate in 1920. From then until World War II Palestine was at several occasions plunged into violent civil war between the Jews and the Arabs. After World War II in 1947 Great Britain announced a decision to give up the Mandate.

The Politically Weak

2020 ◽  
pp. 93-119
Author(s):  
Martin Crotty ◽  
Neil J. Diamant ◽  
Mark Edele
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Democratic Systems

This chapter investigates the cases of victory and defeat and explains what politically influential veterans were able to produce to secure benefits and rights. It focuses on China after its long period of war and civil war that ended in 1949, the United Kingdom after both world wars, the United States after World War I, and the USSR after World War II. It analyses the cases wherein veterans had little or limited success in securing meaningful social and political status. The chapter identifies factors that determine the veterans' status, where it is victory or defeat, or authoritarian versus democratic systems of government. It discusses the political process and the attempts to convert claims into entitlements in order to explain the negative outcomes for the veterans of victorious armies.

The Nuremberg Trial and International Law

1947 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
George A. Finch
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
International Law ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Law ◽  
Civilized World

Retribution for the shocking crimes and atrocities committed by the enemy during World War II was made imperative by the overwhelming demands emanating from the public conscience throughout the civilized world. Statesmen and jurists realized that another failure to vindicate the law such as followed World War I would prove their incapacity to make progress in strengthening the international law of the future.1

The Political History of American Food Aid

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Riley
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Food Aid ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Agriculture Sector ◽  
History Of

This book discusses the 220-year history of the political and humanitarian uses of American food as a tool of both foreign and domestic policy. During these years, food aid has been used as a weapon against the expansion of bolshevism after World War I and communism after World War II, a cudgel to force policy changes by recalcitrant recipient governments, a method for balancing disputes between Israel and Egypt, a backdoor means of increasing military aid to Southeast Asia during the Vietnam War, a signal of support to friendly governments, and a resource to help achieve economic development in food-insecure countries. At home, international food aid has, at times, been used to dump troublesome food surpluses abroad and has served politicians as a tool to secure the votes of farming constituents and the political support of agriculture-sector lobbyists, commodity traders, transporters, and shippers. Most important in the minds of many, it has been the most visible—and most popular—means of providing humanitarian aid to tens of millions of hungry men, women, and children confronted, on distant shores, by war, terrorism, and natural cataclysms and the resulting threat—if not the reality—of famine and death. The book investigates the little-known, not well-understood, and often highly contentious political processes that have converted fields of grains, crops of pulses, and herds of livestock into the tools of U.S. government policy.

scholarly journals Albanien als Krisen- und Kriegsgebiet 1908–1921

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Björn Opfer-Klinger
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Self Concept ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
World War ◽  
Postwar Europe ◽  
Foreign Intervention ◽  
Permanent Shape

Abstract The Albanian national movement was still quite young and heterogeneous when international conflicts lead to the foundation of the Albanian state in 1912/13. Located by the strategically important Strait of Otranto, it came into existence as a compromise and under the protection of the Great Powers in a time when the Osman Empire was collapsing and the South-eastern European States were practising an aggressive policy of expansion. Only a few months later World War I broke out and affected the region severely. Consequently, it took another ten years for the Albanian state to take permanent shape within the changed order of postwar Europe. At this point, however, the political self-concept of Albania had altered pertinently due to constant foreign intervention and occupation by opposing war parties. Some of these influences continue to affect Albania to the present day.

The International Court as Constitutional Court and the Blurring of the Arbitral/Judicial Processes

1993 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward McWhinney
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Annual Report ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
International Court

The institutionalization of international conflict-resolution on a third-party basis, with the creation of a Permanent Court of Arbitration, was one of the high hopes of the political leaders at the First Hague Peace Conference in 1899. In the early phase, from creation of the Court in 1902 until the outbreak of World War I in 1914, 17 cases were initiated before the Court. There was a quite understandable gap, through the War years, until 1921; and then, in the decade until 1931,7 further cases were brought before the Court. This was followed by another awkward hiatus as to cases throughout the 1930s, apparently because of the renewed international tensions in Europe that culminated in World War II. There were no cases before the Court during the War years, the seat of the Court being under belligerent occupation for most of that time. The fact remains, however, that since World War II and, indeed, since 1931, there have been only two cases (both minor ones) brought before the Court, (or three, if we accept the Court Registry's retroactive classification, in its 1990 Annual Report, of the continuing Iran-US Claims Tribunal, which had begun its work in 1981, as one of its own cases).

scholarly journals Trnova pot razvoja narodne ideje v 20. stoletju: problemi oblikovanja naroda na Slovenskem in v Ukrajini skozi oči ukrajinskega zgodovinarja

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-144
Author(s):  
Katerina Malšina ◽  
Jevgen Sinkevič
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Processes ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Independence Movement ◽  
European Nation ◽  
Related Idea ◽  
The Difference

DIFFICULT PATH TO DEVELOPING THE IDEA OF A NATION IN THE 20TH CENTURY: PROBLEMS IN FORMING A NATION IN SLOVENIA AND UKRAINE AS SEEN BY AN UKRAINIAN HISTORIANThe article presents the development of the idea of a nation by comparing constitutional and social processes in Slovenia and Ukraine from the second half of the 19thcentury to the end of the 20thcentury. Upon examining the documentary and narrative sources on the formation of the Ukrainian and Slovenian nations, the authors point out that both Slovenians and Ukrainians co-existed within one country – the Austro-Hungarian Empire – as well as to the chronological and thematic similarity of historical independence movement processes in both countries, focusing on the period of Austria-Hungary, as well as on the time after World War I and World War II. The emphasis is on defining the following terms: What is a “national idea” compared to the political and state-related idea? What is the difference between the Slovenian and Ukrainian national idea? How should we define the “Slovenian nation” and the “European nation” today?

The First Serious Optimist

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Kumekawa
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
The State ◽  
Carbon Taxes ◽  
World War ◽  
John Maynard Keynes ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Way

This book is an intellectual biography of the British economist A. C. Pigou (1877–1959), a founder of welfare economics and one of the twentieth century's most important and original thinkers. Though long overshadowed by his intellectual rival John Maynard Keynes, Pigou was instrumental in focusing economics on the public welfare. And his reputation is experiencing a renaissance today, in part because his idea of “externalities” or spillover costs is the basis of carbon taxes. The book tells how Pigou reshaped the way the public thinks about the economic role of government and the way economists think about the public good. Setting Pigou's ideas in their personal, political, social, and ethical context, the book follows him as he evolved from a liberal Edwardian bon vivant to a reserved but reform-minded economics professor. With World War I, Pigou entered government service, but soon became disenchanted with the state he encountered. As his ideas were challenged in the interwar period, he found himself increasingly alienated from his profession. But with the rise of the Labour Party following World War II, the elderly Pigou re-embraced a mind-set that inspired a colleague to describe him as “the first serious optimist.” The story is not just of Pigou but also of twentieth-century economics, the book explores the biographical and historical origins of some of the most important economic ideas of the past hundred years. It is a timely reminder of the ethical roots of economics and the discipline's long history as an active intermediary between the state and the market.

The Russo-Japanese War and the German Wars for Hegemony, 1890–1939

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dale C. Copeland
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
World War ◽  
Economic Determinants ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The World ◽  
Global War ◽  
First World

This chapter explores the origins of three of the four most important wars of the first half of the twentieth century: the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–5, World War I, and World War II in Europe. These three wars had more than just a chronological connection to one another. The Russo-Japanese War helped solidify the diplomatic and economic alignments of the great powers in the decade before 1914, while the disaster of the First World War clearly set the stage for the rise of Nazism and the outbreak of yet another global war a generation later. This chapter focuses on providing a fairly comprehensive account of the causes of the Russo-Japanese War, confining the discussion of the world wars to the economic determinants of those conflicts.

“Our Prison”

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rashad Shabazz
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Black Masculinity ◽  
Black Belt ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Literary Character ◽  
Black Migrants

This chapter examines how carceral power was articulated in the kitchenettes—small, tight, cramped spaces that many Black migrants in the Black Belt were forced to live in between World War I and World War II—and shaped identity formation. Drawing on the literature of Richard Wright, it considers how the police power that functioned in the public space of Chicago's Black Belt moved into the homes of Black migrants. Decades before carceral power made it into the academic lexicon, Wright used his fiction and nonfiction to document and understand the effect the geography of containment had on Black masculinity. For Wright, carceral power was used as a mechanism both to punish and to contain Blacks in the Black Belt. He used this analysis to bring attention to the injustices Blacks were confronted with and to develop his most-well-known literary character. The chapter looks at Wright's novel Native Son, which tackles the consequence of Black prisonization within urban geography.

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