scholarly journals Cernicskó, István and Tóth, Mihály, eds. 2019. The Right to Education in Minority Languages: Central European Traditions and the Case of Transcarpathia. Uzhhorod: Autdor-Shark; Csernicskó, István et al., eds. 2020. Ukrainian Language Policy Gone Astray: The Law of Ukraine “On Supporting the Functioning of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language” (analytical overview). Törökbálint and Berehovo: Termini Egyesület.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 208-211
Author(s):  
Siarl Ferdinand

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Author(s):  
Vesna Kosmajac ◽  

This paper presents a sociolinguistic analysis of the current linguistic situation in the Russian Federation. Preservation and development of the Russian language represents the national interest of the state. The Russian language has the status of a state language, but, given the large number of ethnic groups living on the territory of Russia, it must not jeopardise other national languages, as this could lead to inter-ethnic conflicts. Some of the key issues Russia is currently facing in this field are: the process of globalisation, the uncontrolled penetration of anglicisms into the Russian language, the adverse impact of the Internet and social networks on literacy, especially with the younger population. All valid rules of the Russian orthography are, in fact, prescribed by the Government of The Russian Federation. Laws regulating the area of language policy are the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Law on the Languages of the Peoples of the Russian Federation, and the Law on the State Language of the Russian Federation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 3-19
Author(s):  
Halyna Shumytska ◽  

This article explores trends in language policies in the Transcarpathian region during 1991–2020 within the general Ukrainian sociopolitical context. It is argued that the status of the Ukrainian language as the state language in the region has become strengthened as evidenced by recent developments in language planning and language policy, including the adoption of the Law “On Ensuring the Functioning of the Ukrainian Lan-guage as the Official Language”. However, the manipulation of the language question in Ukraine, especially in the border regions, has taken on a political character, spreading beyond the borders of the state, threatening the constitutional order and the state sovereignty of Ukraine, in particu-lar in education, economics, and legal sphere. In Transcarpathia, a multi-ethnic border region in the extreme west of Ukraine, warrants attention of both scholars and politicians. This article looks into the changes in the Ukrainian language policies in the local state administration, and the importance of the Ukrainian president office in this regard. Specific features of the linguo-political situation in Transcarpathia, viewed at different periods of its development from the independence of Ukraine in 1991 on-ward, are presented. This study determines the role of the media in shaping a regional linguo-political situation, including the Internet media language space. The paper provides data of a comprehensive analy-sis of the results of the 2017–2019 external independent evaluation as an indicator of language competence of the participants of EIE, the results of research on the perception of educational language innovations in the region through a survey of different categories of respondents during 2018, the monitoring of experimental experience in implementing elements of multilingual edu-cation in educational institutions in Ukraine, particularly in Transcarpathia. The author outlines prospects for continued research in the framework of the project “Debat ing Linguistic Diversity: Managing National Minority Languages in Ukraine and Russia” (2020–2023). Keywords: language policy, language situation, state language, mother tongue, minority language, multilingual education, mass media.


Author(s):  
Nadia Bigarella Bigarella ◽  
Alessandro Gomes Lewandowski

This article is part of a Masters research in progress and has as its object the Brazilian State facing the right to education. By means of a documental research, on the basis of the Federal Constitution of 1988, the Law of Guidelines and Bases 9.394/1996 and other documents aimed to discuss how this right has materialized throughout history. The results show that the right to education is a fundamental dimension of citizenship, which is related to a conception of the State and their form of government. This right extends beyond the idea of set of rules, guidelines and actions, because it is linked to the commitment of thinking a model other society with a division of wealth more fairly


2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (09) ◽  
pp. 58-62
Author(s):  
Nigar Hafiz qızı Məmmədova ◽  

Human rights are the opportunities that people have from birth to death. Regardless of race, nationality, gender, every person has certain rights. These rights must be applied regardless of where and in what position people live. No one has the right to receive these rights from people. But there are also some restrictive cases in this area. If a person violates the law or acts contrary to the national security interests of the state, then it is inevitable to make decisions within the framework required by the law. Human rights are norms that seek to protect people from serious political, legal and social exploitation. The most important of these rights are freedom of religion, the right to a fair trial on criminal charges, the right not to be tortured and the right to education. The philosophy of human rights is understood to answer questions about the existence, essence, validity, justification and legal status of human rights. Human rights are relations that determine the place and role of a person and a citizen in society and the state, the essence of the realization of a person's own capabilities and limits established by the state, as well as ways of ensuring and protecting. At the same time, the legal status of a person includes socio-economic, civil, political and personal rights and freedoms. Key words:human rights,ombudsman,social exploitation,occupied lands,refugees


Author(s):  
Volodymyr Makarchuk ◽  
Volodymyr Markovskyi ◽  
Roman Demkiv ◽  
Anatoliy Lytvynenko

The changes in the Ukraine’s state language policy in the sphere of education were subjected to Hungarian, Romanian and PASEcriticism since 2017 (wherein the critics claimed that Ukraine, by adopting and implementing the appropriate legislation tapered thelinguistic rights of national minorities in the part of their right to education by using the mother tongue). Therefore, the Venice Commission,and then, the Ukraine’s Constitutional Court have delivered its conclusions and decisions if the new Law on Education of 2017violates the linguistic rights of the minorities, ensured by the Ukraine’s Constitution. Hence, the paper focuses on highlighting the positionof the parties of the constitutional proceedings concerning the constitutionality of Ukraine’s Law “On Education” of 2017.The authors have also analyzed the legal positions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, upon which the abovementioned lawwas recognized as constitutional. While adjudicating the case, the Constitutional Court adopted the position of the Ministry of Educationand Science of Ukraine, upon which the state has a right to implement various approaches to national minorities and the indigenouspeople concerning the legal regulation of the right to education conducted by the mother tongue; at the same time, the obligation of thenational minorities to learn and dispose the state language should not be treated as a kind of discrimination or a violation of their rightto education by using the mother tongue.


2015 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 208-222
Author(s):  
Світлана [Svitlana] Романюк [Romaniuk]

Language and the law. Controversies and manipulation in Ukrainian parliamentary discourseThis article presents the linguistic resources which Ukrainian parliament members use to form the controversial communiqués. I try to find out what characteristic phrases indicate manipulation of information. Examples are selected from speeches of different political groups of the seventh convocation in the Ukrainian parliament (Verkhovna Rada) on 4th July 2012, when the depu­ties were discussing the Principles of the State Language Policy Act, passed the previous day. To describe the issue in question, I use the method of critical discourse analysis. Język i prawo. Kontrowersje i manipulacje w ukraińskim dyskursie parlamentarnymPrezentowany artykuł jest próbą ustalenia, za pomocą jakich środków językowych posłowie parlamentu ukraińskiego formułują komunikat, który można uznać za kontrowersyjny. Próbuję ustalić, jakie charakterystyczne zwroty wskazują na manipulowanie informacją. Przykłady wyekscerpowano z przemówień przedstawicieli różnych grup politycznych na posiedzeniu Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy w dniu 4 lipca 2012 roku, podczas którego posłowie dyskutowali nad przyjętą poprzedniego dnia ustawą O zasadach polityki językowej. W analizie zastosowano metodę krytycznej analizy dyskursu.


Magyar Nyelv ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 116 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-274
Author(s):  
Anikó Beregszászi ◽  
István Csernicskó

One of the main goals of language policy is considered to be the avoidance or management of language conflicts. In reality, however, language policy is an effective tool for achieving the unequal distribution of social goods and political capital. The Law of Ukraine “On Supporting the Function-ing of the Ukrainian Language as the State Language” was adopted on April 25, 2019. In this article we show how language policy can serve as a tool in the struggle for power and in the formation and reproduction of social inequalities through the law seemingly born to protect the Ukrainian lan-guage. In the article, we also show that in power struggles, language policy often does not serve to avoid conflicts over language, but on the contrary: it causes internal and external conflicts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 8-18
Author(s):  
Natalia Mykolayvna Kalyniuk ◽  

It is substantiated that one of the effective ways to protect human and civil rights in Ukraine is a synergistic combination of mechanisms of state power to protect these rights and freedoms. The article is devoted to the problem of realization by a person of the constitutional right to education in the conditions of quarantine restrictions. In general, the current legislation on protection of the population from infectious diseases is not properly applied in Ukraine. It is emphasized that the availability of education as a constitutional guarantee of the realization of the right to education on the principles of equality defined by Art. 24 of the Constitution of Ukraine is that no one can be deprived of the right to education, and the state must create opportunities for the exercise of this right. The problematic aspects of the implementation of the constitutional right to education in the conditions of quarantine established in the state and the approved anti-epidemic measures for the spread of acute respiratory disease COVID-19 caused by the coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 are considered. The shortcomings of the current legislation regulating the implementation of the individual and the right to education in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic are highlighted. It is established that the legal grounds for the introduction of an emergency situation in Ukraine are the Law of Ukraine "On Ensuring the Sanitary and Epidemic Welfare of the Population" and the Law of Ukraine "On Protection of the Population from Infectious Diseases". However, neither the Law of Ukraine "On Ensuring the Sanitary and Epidemic Welfare of the Population" nor the Law of Ukraine "On Protection of the Population from Infectious Diseases" can provide the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine with restrictions on constitutional rights and freedoms under Article 64 of the Constitution. restrictions only in case of martial law or state of emergency. The mechanisms of realization by a person of the constitutional right to education in the conditions of established quarantine restrictions are clarified. Distance learning has been studied as the only possible alternative to the usual mode of attending secondary schools. It is proved that currently in schools there is no opportunity, time, funds for the organization of system and technical support of distance learning, therefore, the only possible form of education is to visit schools in the usual way. In addition, we draw your attention to the fact that before the beginning of the school year, education authorities at both regional and regional levels, local governments, which under current law are required to comply with the orders of the executive body implementing policy in the field of protection health in the context of preventing the spread of infectious diseases and the application of anti-epidemic measures, checking the readiness of educational institutions to work in quarantine realities. Schools are sufficiently provided with individual and collective protection. This allows them to operate and provide educational services to students.


Author(s):  
Florian Matthey-Prakash

What does it mean for education to be a fundamental right, and how may children benefit from it? Surprisingly, even when the right to education was added to the Indian Constitution as Article 21A, this question received barely any attention. This book identifies justiciability (or, more broadly, enforceability) as the most important feature of Article 21A, meaning that children and their parents must be provided with means to effectively claim their right from the state. Otherwise, it would remain a ‘right’ only on paper. The book highlights how lack of access to the Indian judiciary means that the constitutional promise of justiciability is unfulfilled, particularly so because the poor, who cannot afford quality private education for their children, must be the main beneficiaries of the right. It then deals with possible alternative means the state may provide for the poor to claim the benefits under Article 21A, and identifies the grievance redress mechanism created by the Right to Education Act as a potential system of enforcement. Even though this system is found to be deficient, the book concludes with an optimistic outlook, hoping that rights advocates may, in the future, focus on improving such mechanisms for legal empowerment.


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