scholarly journals SOCIO-CULTURAL PROBLEMS OF INTEGRATION PROCESSES: THE ROLE OF KYRGYZSTAN

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2(22)) ◽  
pp. 10-14
Author(s):  
Joomart Ravshanovich Baltabaev
Keyword(s):  
Use Of Force ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
Spiritual Unity

Certain features of Eurasianism integration participants become independent subjects to the basics of the voluntary solution of common interests, without any pressure and coercion. Let us single out the principle of the abolition of pressure and the use of force, which is actively implemented in the political practice of Kyrgyzstan since its independence. Kyrgyzstan is unique and strong in its multiethnic nature, which was the result of long historical processes. A unique multicultural space based on spiritual unity has been formed here.

Whose knowledge for what politics?

2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (S1) ◽  
pp. 199-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karena Shaw
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Research Strategies ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
Primary Object ◽  
Contemporary Study ◽  
The One

We find ourselves amidst an explosion of literature about how our worlds are being fundamentally changed (or not) through processes that have come to be clumped under the vague title of ‘globalisation’. As we wander our way through this literature, we might find ourselves – with others – feeling perplexed and anxious about the loss of a clear sense of what politics is, where it happens, what it is about, and what we need to know to understand and engage in it. This in turn leads many of us to contribute to a slightly smaller literature, such as this Special Issue, seeking to theorise how the space and character of politics might be changing, and how we might adapt our research strategies to accommodate these changes and maintain the confidence that we, and the disciplines we contribute to, still have relevant things to say about international politics. While this is not a difficult thing to claim, and it is not difficult to find others to reassure us that it is true, I want to suggest here that it is worth lingering a little longer in our anxiety than might be comfortable. I suggest this because it seems to me that there is, or at least should be, more on the table than we're yet grappling with. In particular, I argue here that any attempt to theorise the political today needs to take into account not only that the character and space of politics are changing, but that the way we study or theorise it – not only the subjects of our study but the very kind of knowledge we produce, and for whom – may need to change as well. As many others have argued, the project of progressive politics these days is not especially clear. It no longer seems safe to assume, for example, that the capture of the state or the establishment of benign forms of global governance should be our primary object. However, just as the project of progressive politics is in question, so is the role of knowledge, and knowledge production, under contemporary circumstances. I think there are possibilities embedded in explicitly engaging these questions together that are far from realisation. There are also serious dangers in trying to separate them, or assume the one while engaging the other, however ‘obvious’ the answers to one or the other may appear to be. Simultaneous with theorising the political ‘out there’ in the international must be an engagement with the politics of theorising ‘in here,’ in academic contexts. My project here is to explore how this challenge might be taken up in the contemporary study of politics, particularly in relation to emerging forms of political practice, such as those developed by activists in a variety of contexts. My argument is for an approach to theorising the political that shifts the disciplinary assumptions about for what purpose and for whom we should we produce knowledge in contemporary times, through an emphasis on the strategic knowledges produced through political practice. Such an approach would potentially provide us with understandings of contemporary political institutions and practices that are both more incisive and more enabling than can be produced through more familiarly disciplined approaches.

scholarly journals Historical geography of Altai in the epoch of Turkic Kaganate (VI-XIII centuries)

2021 ◽  
Vol 136 (3) ◽  
pp. 40-61
Author(s):  
T. Kayirken ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Tien Shan ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Altai Mountains ◽  
Altai Region ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
History Of

In the article the political, economic and cultural changes that took place in the Altai area in the epoch, in which the ancient Turks lived and founded the Kaganate (V-VIII centuries BC). For this, first of all, different ethnic groups (Gaoshae, Dinlin, Togyz Oguz, Basmyl) that inhabited Altai and its surroundings on the eve of the Turkic Era, their ethnic relations with the Blue Turks, migration, and political ties were considered. At the same time, attaching great importance to the legends and stories about the origins of the development and statehood of the Blue Turks, their first Turkic Kaganate, which created the Altai Mountains Central, and its division into two wings East-West, the relations of the West Turkic Kaganate and East Turkic Kaganate with the Tang empire were investigated. The geopolitical position of the Altai region in these historical processes is reflected. This is due to the fact that the Altai region plays a leading role in world historical processes. Three great empires that had an active influence on world history were first established in Altai and were widely spread from it. They are the empires of the Huns, the Blue Turks and the Genghis Khan. It is certainly no coincidence that all these empires could become the mainstay of Altai and influence the world. The article stresses the role and place of the Altai in the spiritual life of Turkic peoples, especially its paramount importance, by a careful examination of various situations characteristic only of the Turkic epoch. The first part deals with the role of Altai in a historical stage of Türks. For the first time it is analyzed as a unified historical and geographical region in the northeastern part of Eastern Turkestan (Xinjiang province of the PRC), where Bogd, Bayt and Altai mountains, Altai and Mountain Altai, as well as Sayan and Oypsei lowlands are located. This is the Altai area that we are constantly talking about. The article reveals the spiritual, economic and political role of the Altai Mountains in the formation of the state and their influence on the outside world and the prosperity of the Turks in the centre of this immense expanse. To that end great importance was attached to historical and geographical signs reflected in the legends about the origin of Türks, recorded in such historical sources of China as «The History of northern khanates», «The book of Chzhou», and «The book of Sui». All these data testify that ancient Türks inhabited in the subsequent half of V century BC from Northern foothills of Gaochan (Idikut) up to the Altai Mountains and its suburbs. So what were the earlier names and where did the Turks walk? To answer that question in the second part of the article we will briefly outline the history of several ethnic groups that formed the Türks. They are Dinlin, Gaoshe, Basmyl and Togyz Oguz, who since ancient times inhabited Altai and established their state one by one. Their entry onto the historical scene, interrelationship, migration, and cultural and economic development in chronological order are investigated in the article. The third section was devoted to the study of political events that took place in Altai during the time of the Turkic Kaganate. In the middle of VI century, the Turks grew out of the Telians that inhabited Altai. They were the Sueyantuo (xueyantuo), Dieleer (Dieleer), Shipan (Shipan), and Daqi (Daqi), inhabiting southwest of the Altai Mountains among 41 tribes stretching widely from Lake Baikal to the river Volga, in the south to the Jetkabyga (northern foothills of Tien Shan), which are mentioned in the «Book of Sui». In 546 other tribes of the Teli, who captured Oguzes, united and went on the offensive against Juzhans. The Tyumen Kagan started the subjugated Teli tribes, ruined them on the road, and took over 50 thousand rubles. From that moment their force increased. The article also emphasized that during the Türkic Kaganate Altai was a centre, and then a border of the Eastern and Western Türkic Kaganates, and the events that took place there affected each side. At the same time the major events that took place in Altai and influenced the political life of Western and Eastern Turkic Khaganates have been considered.

scholarly journals Dinamika Menjelang Pendirian Partai Rakyat Demokratik di Masa Orde Baru

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
Vicky Verry Angga ◽  
Juwita Anggraini
Keyword(s):  
Young Men ◽  
The Political ◽  
Student Organization ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
The People ◽  
Action Committee ◽  
Difference Of Opinion

ABSTRACTThe Orba government in carrying out its power is almost always repertive acts of the people. The Orba government also practiced an all-out democracy in the political practice of the day. The condition is inflicting discontent of young men and activists. In the 1992, the action committee began to appear and continue to evolve in the next years. The alliances of student alliances then flourished the role of the action committee. Student alliances evolved into a sectoral student organization, laborers, farms, and culture. Sectoral organizations make a struggle against Orba into boxes. The gathering of sectoral organizations then formed the Democratic People's Unity together in 1994, the Democratic People's Unity on its journey didn't go well, there was a difference of opinion between members. The Democratic People's Unity experiences split and delivers the idea of the party's establishment of members. The party's establishment through an uneasy process in the organization. The Extraordinary Congressman 1996 decided the Democratic People Party's foundation. Party is expected to make the movement get radical. Party as a symbol of resistance to your formal democracy system applied by Orba. The party can also be used as a media resistance against the Orba Hegemoni.ABSTRAKPemerintah Orba dalam melaksanakan kekuasaanya hampir selalu melakukan tindakan represif terhadap rakyat. Pemerintah Orba juga mempraktikkan demokrasi semu dalam praktik politik masa itu. Kondisi ini menimbulkan ketidakpuasan dari pemuda dan aktivis. Pada 1992, komite aksi mulai muncul dan terus berkembang di tahun-tahun berikutnya. Aliansi-aliansi mahasiswa kemudian berkembang mengantikan peran komite aksi. Aliansi mahasiswa berkembang menjadi organisasi sektoral mahasiswa, buruh, tani, dan kebudayaan. Organisasi sektoral membuat perjuangan melawan Orba menjadi terkotak-kotak. Kumpulan dari berbagai organiasi sektoral kemudian membentuk Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik sebagai wadah bersama pada 1994. Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik dalam perjalanannya tidak berjalan lancar, terjadi perbedaan pendapat antar anggota. Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik mengalami perpecahan dan melahirkan ide pendirian partai dari sebagian anggota. Pendirian partai melalui proses yang tidak mudah di dalam organisasi. Kongres Luar Biasa 1996 memutuskan pendirian Partai Rakyat Demokratik. Berdirinya partai diharapkan membuat pergerakan menjadi semakin radikal. Partai sebagai simbol perlawanan terhadap sistem demokrasi semu yang diterapkan Orba. Partai juga dapat digunakan sebagai media perlawanan terhadap hegemoni Orba.

scholarly journals The Political-Religious Role of Abu Bakr Hasiri Sistani Faqih Shafei in the Court of Ghaznavid Based on Two Literary and Historical Sources

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 415
Author(s):  
Doostali Sanchooli ◽  
Seyyed Baqer Hosseini
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
High Position ◽  
Politics And Religion ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Common Interests

Common interests emerged between religious leaders and rulers according to propagation of Islam and the close relationship between politics and religion in Iran. One of the personalities who had both of the two elements of politics and religion is Khajeh Abu Bakr Hassiri, the great jurisprudent of the Shafei religion in Sistan and the eastern countries of Iran, who entered the court of the Ghaznavids and enjoyed a high position. He was a special counsellor for Sultan in political and religious affairs. Given this issue, this study is in line with the answer to this main question: what political and religious role did Abu Bakr Hasiri, as the counsellor and the great jurisprident of the Shafei religion in eastern Iran, play in the court of the Ghaznavids? We assume that he played a key and influential role in the court of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni and his son, Sultan Massoud. The research method is descriptive-analytical and based on two literary and historical sources (Divan Farrokhi Sistani and Beyhaqi history). Due to the connection between politics and religion and the role of jurisprudents and religious leaders in legitimizing the rulers, Khajeh Abu Bakr Hassiri has greatly contributed to the political strategy of the Ghaznavid rulers to legitimize their political and religious views in public opinion, also, the support of the Ghaznavi rulers from Khajeh Abu Bakr and his religious ideas have played an important role in propagation the Shafi religion and marginalizing his religious rivals.

scholarly journals El papel de la Corona en el nombramiento del primer ministro belga: un modelo no importable

2018 ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Ángel J. Sánchez Navarro
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Political Fragmentation ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Informal Rules

Tras la incapacidad de construir una mayoría parlamentaria y la necesidad de convocar nuevas elecciones en España en 2016, ciertos sectores sociales y políticos señalaron la conveniencia de revisar los procesos de investidura. En particular, se hizo hincapié en el papel del Rey, tratando de sugerir nuevas fórmulas capaces de otorgar estabilidad y superar la fragmentación política resultante de las últimas elecciones generales. El presente estudio se centra principalmente en el modelo belga, que reserva un papel importante para el Rey, alcanzándose la conclusión de que este modelo no presenta una mayor eficiencia política que permita pensar en tratar de trasladar a nuestro sistema algunas de sus previsiones.Alter the failure to build a parliamentary majority and the need to hold new elections in Spain in 2016, certain social and political sectors have pointed out the convenience of reviewing the Spanish procedures for appointing a new Government. In particular, the role of the King has been analysed, trying to suggest new formulae capable of granting stability and surmounting the political fragmentation which resulted from the last general elections. The paper focuses mainly on the Belgian model for appointing a government, which reserves an important role for the King. It tries to show that, taking into account not only the —formal and informal— rules, but also the political practice, the Belgian model does not appear at all as more efficient than the Spanish one. And, what is more important from a systemic point of view, it allows a deeper debate on the political and institutional position of the Head of the State.

scholarly journals The Possible Role of Art Museums in Regard to Educational Reform

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2(4)) ◽  
pp. 95-107
Author(s):  
Peter Pivoda
Keyword(s):  
Educational Reform ◽  
School Curriculum ◽  
Art Museums ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Gallery ◽  
New School ◽  
Educational Programmes ◽  
Common Interests

This paper concerns ongoing educational reform in Slovakia and its goals as declared in the foundation document entitled Learning Slovakia. Within these goals, we have chosen those which are connected to freedom and supporting concepts of civil society. Besides the political circumstances of reform, we analyse art museums as educational institutions. The aim is to find common interests in education being provided both by schools and art museums, and especially how they may become partners in fulfilling the needs of a new school curriculum. To illustrate one possible way of partnership, we use examples of three individual educational programmes from the Slovak National Gallery in Bratislava.

scholarly journals Partners Apart? The Foreign Policy Attitudes of the American and European Publics

2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
PIERANGELO ISERNIA ◽  
PHILIP P. EVERTS
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
European Countries ◽  
World Views ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
Mass Level

It is often argued today that a deep and troublesome gap across the Atlantic has been developing and that Europeans and Americans no longer share the same view of the world. On the basis of data gathered in the 2002 Transatlantic Trends Survey, held in the USA and six European countries, this article assesses whether there is indeed such a gap at the mass level. It focuses on three major dimensions of world views: (1) perceptions of threats (2) the sense of affinity with other countries in terms of allies, friends or foes, and (3) attitudes toward the use of force, both in general and in specific circumstances, more particularly the war over Iraq. It concludes that European publics in 2002 looked at the world in a way that is rather similar to that of many ordinary Americans including harbouring deep reservations about the conduct of certain aspects of U.S. foreign policy. Both publics share fundamental worldviews. On Iraq, Europeans and Americans agreed in some respects (such as the necessary role of the UN) but disagreed on other. In many respects at the mass level the differences across the Atlantic are of degree, and not fundamental. They result from disaffection with the present administration rather than with US policies in general. Moreover, the alleged European ‘anti-Americanism’ is a misnomer, which hides the considerable sympathies and warm feelings towards America, and the perceived common interests and values.

scholarly journals Documental Político en Norteamérica: Una herramienta de contrainformación y configuración de las identidades políticas

Norteamérica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liliana Cordero Marines
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
Documentary Film ◽  
Film Theory ◽  
First Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Twenty ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
Michael Moore

This article discusses the political documentary in North America in the early twenty-first century. Michael Moore (U.S.), Jennifer Abbot, Mark Achbar, and Joel Bakan (Canada), directors of The Corporation (2003), as well as Carlos Mendoza, founder of Canal 6 de Julio, distinguish themselves for making critical documentaries that question political establishments and their implications. In order to understand the role of the documentary in the historical world, the article resorts to film theory and advancements in videoactivism. This article’s contribution consists in showing key aspects of certain historical processes of political denunciation and the contemporary production of documentary film.

scholarly journals Nation-Delegation-Constitution: Reconsidering role of religion in Polish identity development

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-25
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bień ◽  
Anna Tarnowska ◽  
Wojciech Włoch
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Identity Development ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Ideal Types ◽  
Entire Nation ◽  
Role Of Religion

Democratic politics creates a specific ‘chain of representation’. According to Article 104 of the Polish Constitution, the MPs are the representatives of the entire Nation. The understanding of the “entire Nation” allows to determine whether national identity is open and inclusive, or closed and exclusive. One can distinguish two ideal types of a nation: heterogeneous and homogeneous. The first type is connected to the universalist understanding of “constitutional essentials”, the second to the particularistic one. In the paper, we pointed out the elements of heterogeneity in the text of Polish constitutions as well as the elements of homogeneity in the constitutional practice. Religion becomes an important factor influencing the interpretation and application of the constitution. The heterogeneous concept of the nation and the universalist “constitutional essentials” can be narrowed down in the political practice. The particularistic elements of the constitution and the homogenizing tendencies present in the application of the constitution might lead to polarization. In such a case, there would be a radical reinterpretation of the entire chain of delegation.

scholarly journals ROLE OF GROUPS OF INTEREST IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF SOCIETY

2020 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Nodira Sardarovna Rasulova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political System ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Task ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Common Interests

The article examines the role and place of interest groups in civil society, their functions, specificity of activities, similarities and differences from political parties. Based on an analysis of the opinions of prominent scientists and political scientists, the main task of interest groups is shown - mediation between the state, seeking to protect common interests, and civil society, expressing private goals and interests. The possibilities of various groups of interests to influence the authorities, as well as to bring to the attention of political decision-makers, the needs and demands of the population, have been determined. Specific proposals and recommendations have been formulated aimed at increasing the political and legal activity of citizens.

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