scholarly journals What To Expect When You’re No Longer Expecting: How States Use Concealment and Abuse of a Corpse Statutes Against Women

2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-205
Author(s):  
Nisha Chandra

Since the 1690s, women in the United States have been arrested and punished for experiencing miscarriages and stillbirths—pregnancy outcomes that are completely normal. This practice continues to the modern day, where prosecutors charge women with concealing a birth, concealing a death, or abuse of a corpse for the actions they take after experiencing pregnancy loss. This Note argues that these statutes were originally enacted to punish women who had sex outside of marriage and are now being used to control women, mostly women of color and poor women, for not adhering to society’s idealized vision of femininity and motherhood. The use of these statutes advances notions of fetal personhood and will ultimately have a chilling effect on the availability of abortion through telemedicine. The Note suggests that while repealing these laws would help, the best solution is to approach the issue through a reproductive justice lens—namely, increasing the availability of education and medical services for women.

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 205031211666599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Paul Sullins

Objective: To examine the links between pregnancy outcomes (birth, abortion, or involuntary pregnancy loss) and mental health outcomes for US women during the transition into adulthood to determine the extent of increased risk, if any, associated with exposure to induced abortion. Method: Panel data on pregnancy history and mental health history for a nationally representative cohort of 8005 women at (average) ages 15, 22, and 28 years from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health were examined for risk of depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation, alcohol abuse, drug abuse, cannabis abuse, and nicotine dependence by pregnancy outcome (birth, abortion, and involuntary pregnancy loss). Risk ratios were estimated for time-dynamic outcomes from population-averaged longitudinal logistic and Poisson regression models. Results: After extensive adjustment for confounding, other pregnancy outcomes, and sociodemographic differences, abortion was consistently associated with increased risk of mental health disorder. Overall risk was elevated 45% (risk ratio, 1.45; 95% confidence interval, 1.30–1.62; p < 0.0001). Risk of mental health disorder with pregnancy loss was mixed, but also elevated 24% (risk ratio, 1.24; 95% confidence interval, 1.13–1.37; p < 0.0001) overall. Birth was weakly associated with reduced mental disorders. One-eleventh (8.7%; 95% confidence interval, 6.0–11.3) of the prevalence of mental disorders examined over the period were attributable to abortion. Conclusion: Evidence from the United States confirms previous findings from Norway and New Zealand that, unlike other pregnancy outcomes, abortion is consistently associated with a moderate increase in risk of mental health disorders during late adolescence and early adulthood.


2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-51
Author(s):  
Sharyn Emery

In her 1979 touchstone address, “The Master's Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master's House,” Audre Lorde makes it clear that the only feminism that matters is one that includes and even centers the voices of “poor women, black and third-world women, and lesbians.” She argues that this type of representation is not a mere academic exercise, but a means of survival for women within these groups. Speaking at the Second Sex Conference in New York, Lorde also laments the lack of attention paid to the ways women can and should embrace their differences while still relying on a solidarity that she sees as foundational to creativity and liberation. Women of color have always borne the greatest share of domestic and physical labor in the United States, and thus creating this solidarity is a challenge; when workers are spread far and wide, scared of management, and just living month to month, it can be difficult to organize and unite them. In the 1970s, the Third World Women's Alliance (TWWA) took on this challenge, seeking to organize women of color economically, culturally, and politically, embodying Lorde's charge in the decade prior to her speech. One of the key methods of organizing by the TWWA was a series of original skits, many of which were performed during celebrations of International Women's Day (IWD, 8 March).


1980 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
George J. Annas

In an extraordinary and highly controversial 5-4 decision, the United States Supreme Court decided on June 30, 1980, that the United States Constitution does not require either the federal government or the individual states to fund medically necessary abortions for poor women who qualify for Medicaid.At issue in this case is the constitutionality of the Hyde Amendment. The applicable 1980 version provides:|N]one of the funds provided by this joint resolution shall be used to perform abortions except where the life of the mother would be endangered if the fetus were carried to term; or except for such medical procedures necessary for the victims of rape or incest when such rape or incest has been reported promptly to a law enforcement agency or public health service, (emphasis supplied)


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (S1) ◽  
pp. s63-s63
Author(s):  
M. Reilly

IntroductionRecent studies have discussed major deficiencies in the preparedness of emergency medical services (EMS) providers to effectively respond to disasters, terrorism and other public health emergencies. Lack of funding, lack of national uniformity of systems and oversight, and lack of necessary education and training have all been cited as reasons for the inadequate emergency medical preparedness in the United States.MethodsA nationally representative sample of over 285,000 emergency medical technicians (EMTs) and Paramedics in the United States was surveyed to assess whether they had received training in pediatric considerations for blast and radiological incidents, as part of their initial provider education or in continuing medical education (CME) within the previous 24 months. Providers were also surveyed on their level of comfort in responding to and potentially treating pediatric victims of these events. Independent variables were entered into a multivariate model and those identified as statistically significant predictors of comfort were further analyzed.ResultsVery few variables in our model caused a statistically significant increase in comfort with events involving children in this sample. Pediatric considerations for blast or radiological events represented the lowest levels of comfort in all respondents. Greater than 70% of respondents reported no training as part of their initial provider education in considerations for pediatrics following blast events. Over 80% of respondents reported no training in considerations for pediatrics following events associated with radiation or radioactivity. 88% of respondents stated they were not comfortable with responding to or treating pediatric victims of a radiological incident.ConclusionsOut study validates our a priori hypothesis and several previous studies that suggest deficiencies in preparedness as they relate to special populations - specifically pediatrics. Increased education for EMS providers on the considerations of special populations during disasters and acts of terrorism, especially pediatrics, is essential in order to reduce pediatric-related morbidity and mortality following a disaster, act of terrorism or public health emergency.


Author(s):  
Judith Daar

This chapter analyzes the racialization of infertility care in the United States, and seeks to understand why ART stratifies along race and ethnic lines. Researchers and scholars have proposed several theories, including lower income levels and access to insurance in minority populations, social factors that make women of color less likely to seek treatment for infertility, historic factors that give rise to a continuing aura of mistrust in the doctor–patient relationship, and express and implied discrimination by doctors who view minority populations as less deserving of parenthood than white patients. The chapter shows how these new eugenics, like the old eugenics, can persist only so long as political power structures support and advance their agenda.


2016 ◽  
Vol 106 (7) ◽  
pp. 1742-1750 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer F. Kawwass ◽  
Aniket D. Kulkarni ◽  
Heather S. Hipp ◽  
Sara Crawford ◽  
Dmitry M. Kissin ◽  
...  

Meridians ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (S1) ◽  
pp. 340-362
Author(s):  
Kimala Price

Abstract Frustrated by the individualist approach of the “choice” paradigm used by the mainstream reproductive rights movement in the United States, a growing coalition of women of color organizations and their allies have sought to redefine and broaden the scope of reproductive rights by using a human rights framework. Dubbing itself “the movement for reproductive justice,” this coalition connects reproductive rights to other social justice issues such as economic justice, education, immigrant rights, environmental justice, sexual rights, and globalization, and believes that this new framework will encourage more women of color and other marginalized groups to become more involved in the political movement for reproductive freedom. Using narrative analysis, this essay explores what reproductive justice means to this movement, while placing it within the political, social, and cultural context from which it emerged.


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