scholarly journals Akaki Tsereteli’s unknown letter about repressions of year 1906

enadakultura ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nana Pruidze
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Interesting Observation ◽  
National Autonomy ◽  
Reasonable Suspicion ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The One ◽  
Private Collections

Part of Akaki Tsereteli’s creative legacy is still spread in different foundations or private collections. Difficulty about finding these writings is that some documents in various binders do not have description. Currently foundations are intensively being studied in order to create digital catalogues and whenever this process is finished, many interesting documents will be displayed. “Burning down Imereti during movement” is one of Akaki’s public letters which remained unknown until today. It will be published after 115 years in corresponding value of the writer's new academic publication of his works. Manuscript is being held at Kutaisi’s historic museum.“Burning down Imereti during movement” is about revolutionary movements and its echoes in Georgia, which took place in the years 1905-1907. On the one hand it is a bold protest against King’s cruel policy; Also, the article contains Akaki Tsereteli’s especially significant observations and thoughts about ongoing political processes.In the first paragraph of the article there is a very interesting observation of the author. According to his words, the Russian empire from the very beginning intended absolute occupation and annexation of Georgia. According to that, the friendly condition which led King Irakli of Kartli-Kakheti to let Russians in our country without war and blood, was definitely going to break. Akaki thought that everything that was done by Russian governance in our country, was provocative and its goal was to drag Georgian people into armed conflict.Events occurred in 1905 led to logical conclusions. Georgian nobles decided to officially demand national autonomy. On their emergency gathering they created an appropriate document and presented it to the emperor. Surely, the empire would not let Georgia restore their autonomy. They needed a reason to finally destroy us and the reason found out to be that revolutionary movement which was widespread not only in Russia, but also its subordinate countries including Georgia.According to Akaki Tsereteli, a significant part of society was against Georgia’s partaking in revolt from the beginning. They had reasonable suspicion that if the revolutionary movement would be defeated, this would totally change the perspective of Georgian-Russian relationship. Unfortunately, following events proved the correctness of this assumption - Georgians were pled guilty for separatism and it led to very brutal repressions. The events that occurred in Georgia were outrageous for Akaki. That is why he makes fun of Russia in his article and boldly declares that the decision of the government - campaigning against unarmed and helpless people, is worthless and unseemly.

Jewish Pogroms in the Historical Context of the First Russian Revolution

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (47) ◽  
pp. 115-127
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Bezarov
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Mass Murder ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Jewish Question ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Cost

The article studies the place and role of Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire in thehistorical context of the First Russian Revolution of 1905 – 1907. It was proved that Jewish pogroms were a trigger mechanism used by opposition and revolutionary groups in the Russian Empire and beyond, in order to provoke a political confrontation with the Russian government, which was postfactum declared to be the fault of the «mass murder of peaceful Jews». The corresponding propaganda of the «pogrom policy of autocracy» was supported by the opposition and revolutionary periodical press. According to the logic of the Russian opposition it should, firstly, destabilize the internal situation in the country, and, secondly, discredit the autocracy in the eyes of the world community. The confrontation was critical when both sides of the conflict began to resort to the method of pogroms provocation. If anti-government groups used this method at the beginning of the revolutionary events, the Russian authorities turned to the corresponding «services» of the monarchists and the Russian citizens loyal to the regime at the final stage of the revolution when the government demanded more determination in its suppression. The author believes that the First Russian Revolution failed to solve the Jewish question. Accordingly, Russian Jewry again turned into a hostage in the confrontation of the autocracy with the opposition political groups, and the territory of the Jewish Pale of Settlement remained a human capacity and source of energy in the development of the Russian revolutionary movement in subsequent years as well, because if the autocracy succeeded in breaking out the victory of the hands of Jewish revolutionaries in 1905 – 1907, it was only at the cost of victims of their own citizens. Keywords: Jewish pogroms 1905 ‒ 1907, First Russian Revolution, Bund, Jewish self-defence, Russianempire

scholarly journals From Unrest to Demonstrations: The Policy of the Russian Authorities Regarding Mass Political Actions of the Radical Youth of the 1870s

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (44) ◽  
pp. 114-138
Author(s):  
Aleksei Rubtsov
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Public Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Actions ◽  
Radical Movement

The paper discusses the formation of ideas of the imperial bureaucracy about the revolutionary movement of the 1870s. This issue is being investigated through the prism of the attitude of investigative bodies to mass political actions. These acts were a relatively new phenomenon and therefore largely unexpected for the authorities in the political space of the Russian Empire. In this regard, the formation of a unified strategy in relation to such manifestations was accompanied by a series of disputes and conflicts between the departments involved in the investigation. The author analyzes, on the one hand, the positions of officials of the prosecutor’s office—which earned a new status after the reform of 1864—and police officials on the other. Particular attention is paid to elucidating the role of prosecutors in shaping public policy regarding the radical movement, since the importance of legality as a factor in the imperial political system has been strengthened in the context of reformed proceedings. In the end, the study concludes that the conflict between departments involved in ensuring public security arose in conditions when a largely legal struggle of opinions in power became possible. Moreover, the conflict between the two institutions of power turned out to also be a search for a compromise that would suit both sides.

Географическиеоткрытияирасширениеграницимпериивперепискеиркутскихгубернаторовигенерал-губернаторовсцентральнойвластью.1760-е—1790-егг.

2019 ◽  
pp. 104-133
Author(s):  
E.E. Rychalovsky
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Trade Routes ◽  
Extensive Evaluation ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The One ◽  
State Expenditures ◽  
Joint Authorship

В последней трети XVIII века на Тихоокеанский и Северный Ледовитый океаны и северовосточную часть Азии, входившие в состав Иркутской губернии, приходились все круизы промышленников, большая часть русских географических экспедиций и соответствующих открытий. В статье рассматривается переписка иркутских губернаторов и генералгубернаторов во времена Екатерины II с Сибирским (позднее Тобольским) губернатором Д. И. Чичериным и императрицей вместе с рядом чиновников в СанктПетербурге. Работа посвящена вопросу о том, в какой мере губернаторы воплощали идеи поиска и аннексии новых земель, которые были озвучены в правительственных кругах, и каков был их собственный вклад в совместное авторство и как эта идея трансформировалась в контексте просвещенной монархии . Помимо переписки в работе анализируются поручения губернаторов главам регионов. Проведенное исследование позволяет сделать вывод, что, с одной стороны, как и в XVIIIначале XIX вв., Открытие и присоединение новых земель и народов все еще рассматривалось как способ пополнения государственной казны. С другой стороны, происходит переход к более обширной оценке в стиле просвещенной политики Екатерины: экспансии Российской Империи, открытию новых земель, созданию новых торговых путей, что увеличило славу монархии и ее правителя, а также русских мореплавателей. Иркутские губернаторы и генералгубернаторы не только послушно выполняли изданные указы, но и инициировали определенные экспедиции в малоизученный регион. Эти решения оказывали влияние на деятельность государственных географических экспедиций, зачастую оценивая их с точки зрения темпов или целесообразности государственных расходов.In the last third of the 18th century, the Pacific and Arctic ocean regions and the NorthEastern part of Asia which were included in the Irkutsk province accounted for all the cruises of manufacturers, a bigger part of Russian geographical expeditions and the respective discoveries. The article reviews the correspondence between Irkutsk Governors and GovernorsGeneral in the time of Catherine II and the Siberian (later, Tobolsk) Governor D.I. Chicherin and the Empress together with a number of officials in St. Petersburg. The work focuses on the question to what extent the Governors translated the ideas of searching for and annexing new lands, which were articulated in the Government circles, and what was their own contribution to the joint authorship and how this idea was transformed in the context of the enlightened monarchy . Apart from the correspondence the work analyzes the instructions issued by the Governors for regional heads. The study allows making a conclusion that on the one hand, like in the 18th and early 19th centuries, the discovery and annexation of new lands and peoples was still seen as a way to replenish the State Treasury. On the other hand, there is a shift to a more extensive evaluation in the style of Catherines enlightened policy: the expansion of the Russian Empire, the discovery of new lands, and the creation of new trade routes which increased the glory of the Monarchy and its ruler, as well as the Russian navigators. The Irkutsk Governors and GovernorsGeneral not only obediently followed the issued decrees but also initiated certain expeditions to the understudied region. These decisions influenced the activities of state geographical expeditions by often assessing them from the viewpoint of rates or viability of state expenditures.

Reasons for the Onset of the Uniat Clergy’s Movement Towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the Beginning of the 19th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 293-317
Author(s):  
Protopriest Alexander Romanchuk
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Latin Church ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Church Service ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article studies the system of pre-conditions that caused the onset of the uniat clergy’s movement towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the beginning of the 19th century. The author comes to the conclusion that the tendency of the uniat clergy going back to Orthodoxy was the result of certain historic conditions, such as: 1) constant changes in the government policy during the reign of Emperor Pavel I and Emperor Alexander I; 2) increasing latinization of the uniat church service after 1797 and Latin proselytism that were the result of the distrust of the uniats on the part of Roman curia and representatives of Polish Catholic Church of Latin church service; 3) ecclesiastical contradictions made at the Brest Church Union conclusion; 4) division of the uniat clergy into discordant groups and the increase of their opposition to each other on the issue of latinization in the first decades of the 19th century. The combination of those conditions was a unique phenomenon that never repeated itself anywhere.

CIVIL GOVERNOR M.M. OREUS IN THE SERVICE IN THE VYBORG (FINLAND) PROVINCE IN 1799–1804

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-46
Author(s):  
T.V. BOGDANOVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Management Problem ◽  
Effective Mechanism ◽  
Important Condition ◽  
Emergency Situations ◽  
Effective Selection ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Selection Of

The purpose of the article is to review the activities of the civil governor M.M. Oreus in the service in the Vyborg (Finland) province in 1799–1804. The guarantee of an effective mechanism of admin-istration creation as for over than 200-year period of the Russian Empire existence, as for modern conditions, it was and still is the effectiveness of the government policy on the ground. Based on this key task, the most important condition for its implementation at different stages of the development of the country was the effective selection of personnel for the post of a governor. It was the governor responsible for everything happened in his province, and the government expected him to under-stand the tasks assigned to him and take definite steps to solve them. The urgent management problem in these conditions was the strength of administrative resources capable of retaining their effective power in cases of emerging extraordinary situations, including which, will be discussed in this article. Emergency situations in the border areas occurred regularly and required the ob-servance of certain administrative traditions that influenced the success of the governor's initiatives in state tasks implementation. It will be all the more important to consider the history of the life and activities of one of the governors of the Finland (Vyborg) province, Maxim Maksimovich Oreus, who was at the head of this territory from December 14, 1799 to April 9, 1804.

“BULYGINSKAYA DUMA”. AGENCY WITHOUT POWER OR POWER OF AGENCY?

2021 ◽  
pp. 32-42
Author(s):  
Sergey S. Novoselskii ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Government Policy ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Intellectual Context ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article considers the attitude of representatives of the top bureaucracy to the draft of the State Duma, developed by a Special Council chaired by the Minister of the Interior A.G. Bulygin in 1905. Particular attention is paid to the high officials assessments of the dignitaries of the place and role of the Duma in the system of state administration of the Russian Empire, the arguments that officials cited in favor of its convocation. It analyzes intellectual context of the emergence of the “bulyginskaya duma” (“Bulygin Duma”) project is analyzed, which largely determined the breadth of the actual, not declared powers of the people’s agency. The research is based on unpublished documents from the funds of state institutions, as well as materials from the personal funds of officials and public figures. The article shows that, despite the legislative nature of the Duma, it had to have significant powers. The electoral system, which was proposed and defended by the high officials, was originally modeled in such a way as to avoid the triumph of the estates principle. The monarch’s open opposition to the people’s agency was considered a politically short-sighted move, which indicated a limitation of his power. The results of the study allow considering the government policy in 1905 not as an untimely response to public demands, but as a conscious strategy for systemic political reforms.

scholarly journals «The Shriveled Orient Made All Talk About Itself…»: China and Japan in Columns of the Newspaper «Vostochnoye Obozreniye» in the Last Quarter of 21th Century

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yelena Sevostyanova
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
International Policy ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Mass Consciousness ◽  
China And Japan ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Military ◽  
Japan And China

The article examines the main plotlines and images of Japan and China in the end of 21th century which were modelled and translated to the reading public by one of the most accredited Siberia’s newspaper «Vostochnoye Obozreniye»(«Oriental Review»). The choice of the newspaper for the analysis is determined by three factors: its oriental trend, growing print run and popularity, participation of famous scientists, travelers, public figures in creating the content. In the newspaper editorial board, for the Russian periphery at the Asian border «in the interests of this very periphery it never hampers to learn the neighboring countries,» thus «increasing the horizons», “to renounce the hackneyed prejudices and the fear to be faulted for Asian barbarism». Materials about China and Japan were present almost in each issue, which testifies the newspaper’s permanent interest in the oriental neighbors of the Russian empire. With general eurocentrism of relations to Japan and China, a dichotomy was kept in regard of several plotlines: he militant and reformative potentials, the role in international policy. Depending on historical circumstances, some or other features grew stronger, often being hypertrophied in mass consciousness or, vice versa, «being dissolved» in generalized images and stereotypes of the oriental (Asian) world. The dichotomy of the Orient’s two images — the progressive, dynamically Europeanizing Japan and the fossilized, obstinate in its conservatism China — became a stable stereotype for «Vostochnoye Obozreniye», too. The government of Japan and the government of China were also contradistinguished in their reformative potentials and methods of governance. In general, the newspaper assessed the military, political, civil experience of the Japanese authorities more complementary than the Chinese governors and officials. The newspaper did nor model and did not translate the image of the enemy but took into account the potential geopolitical danger of the eastern neighbors.

scholarly journals Legal nihilism in resolving family conflicts of nobles and peasants of Russian Empire in the first third of XIX century

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-30
Author(s):  
S. P. Volf ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Family Relations ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Family Conflicts ◽  
Raising Children ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

The article highlights the ways of resolving family conflicts nobles and peasants in the first third of the XIX century in the Russian Empire, against the background of the ongoing systematization of legislation. Based on examination of the letters and memoirs of the nobles and peasants we highlighted the methods, which are actually used to solve family conflicts. I conclude that nobles and peasants rarely used help of the state in resolving family conflicts. The sphere of family relations was sacred for these estates; therefore, they did not rope the authorities into family conflicts. I have identified the following ways to resolve family conflicts: duel; marriage, often in the form of a secret wedding; going to the monastery and punishing the unfaithful wife; different approaches to raising children by peasants and nobles. The author of the article pays attention to passivity of the peasants in resolving their family conflicts. The results of the study allow exploring the alternative ways of resolving family conflicts based on representatives of other classes of Russian society in the first third of the 19th century (clergy, merchants, philistines, foreigners) as well, using wider range of sources (journalism, normative acts, fiction, paperwork). This analysis contributes to the discussion about the limits of the government intervention into family affairs. The author of the article redlines that people did not trust the law and resorted to the personally legitimate sources of dealing with family conflicts. This conclusion presents a new perspective in the discussion of legal nihilism and real application of the law in life

Embassy of the Russian Empire in Berlin on the Socialist Movement in Germany in 1890–1898

2021 ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Anna Matveeva
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Government ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The Russian Empire

The study focuses on assessing the representativeness and relevance of diplomatic documents for the study of key aspects of German domestic politics. Three issues are central to the analysis of the documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: the completeness of the indicated sources for understanding the factors of the German Empire’s inner policy; the assessment of the subjectivity of the author of diplomatic dispatches, i.e. how much the ambassador's personality determined the content of the dispatches that he sent to the ministry; the relevance of highlighting key issues of internal life in Germany from the point of view of Russian diplomats. Among constantly present in the messages, the most important was the problem of the socialist movement and the Social-Democratic Party’s activities. The socialists were mentioned for significant reasons: the repeal of the Law against the Socialists, the Berlin Conference on the Labor Protection (1890); elections to the Reichstag (1893, 1898); the Reichstag votes on issues important for Russia. The measures of counteraction to the socialists, discussed by the emperor and the government, also aroused interest. The study of archival documents (1890–1898) allows the author to draw the following conclusions. The dispatches adequately reflect the main trends in the socialist movement and the tactics of the SPD, therefore they can be used to study many internal problems faced by Germany in the course of its political evolution. The development of the social-democratic movement was rightly interpreted by Russian diplomats as one of the fundamental reasons for the internal instability of the German state during the reign of Wilhelm II. At the same time, the conclusion drawn by the diplomats can be primarily explained by the Russian imperial regime and its substantial characteristics, rather than the political realities within Germany itself. They considered parliamentarism, limiting the monarch actions (the state interests), to be the main reason for the high popularity and the broadest electoral support of the SPD. The key factor preventing the monarch from defeating the “coup parties” was defined as the activities of liberal political parties, which demanded the unconditional observance of the freedoms prescribed in the Сonstitution of 1871, as well as the prevention of the introduction of Exceptional Laws and other measures of an extraordinary nature.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document